Liberalism: Satan’s Scheme to Usurp Creation

In 1872 Frederick Engels wrote a letter to Theodore Cuno saying, “The thing to do is to conduct propaganda, abuse the state, organize, and when all the workers are won over, i.e., the majority, depose the authorities, abolish the state and replace it by the organization of the International. This great act, with which the millennium begins, is called social liquidation.” That same year, Fyodor Dostoevsky published a novel about revolution and rebellion titled, The Possessed; other translations have seen it titled, Demons. It is a book about revolution and rebellion “in the name of unlimited freedom” and how the ideas for such acts are connotations of demons. Richard Pevear’s forward to his translation explains it this way, “…implicit at least in his (Dostoevsky) analysis is the possibility of an evil or alien idea coming to inhabit a person, misleading him, perverting him ontologically, driving him to crime or insanity.” In one memorable scene the revolutionary theorist Shigalyov who by today’s standards is considered the modern-day liberal declares, “My conclusion directly contradicts the original idea I start from. Starting with unlimited freedom, I conclude with unlimited despotism.” Pevear adds, “Here we have the voice of the demonic idea in its pure state.”

Anytime a moment in history defines a reality, there are always prior moments you can go back to in depicting a historical backdrop; so let us go back to the beginning; the Garden, and specifically the fundamental attitude shift in creation when the serpent brought forth the idea to Eve that she could “be like God” if she ate of the fruit. Adam and Eve lived peacefully in the Garden of Eden, perfectly harmonious with God and creation. They had complete freedom to do as they pleased; there was only one rule; they “must not eat from the tree of the knowledge of good and evil.” When the only rule in the Garden was violated, liberalism became ubiquitous with creation because humans got the idea they could “become like God, knowing good and evil” by acting as autonomous individuals who determine what is right and wrong and rejecting established traditions, authorities, and religion.

Rush Limbaugh once said the most prophetic things about liberalism: “I think we wouldn’t be here today if there had been a proper education and understanding of liberalism by a majority of the American people,” and “that so many people on our side do not recognize and have not recognized the threat posed by standard, ordinary, everyday liberalism.” Today, conversations about liberalism are more and more copious. As Rush Limbaugh astutely pointed out, a quick search online reveals the scope of the discussion on the subject—liberalism is the problem, liberalism is the solution, we need to expand liberalism, we need to limit liberalism, we need to improve liberalism, we need to get back to basic liberalism. This essay puts forth the argument that the ideology of liberalism is closely linked with Satan’s manipulation of our passions, with the aim of influencing and directing us. As Christopher Dawson wrote in The Judgment of the Nations, “Here in this world we are staying in an inn where the Devil is the Master and the world is landlady and all kinds of evil passions are servants and these are the enemies and opponents of the Gospel.”

In 1888, Pope Leo XIII wrote that at its source liberalism is demonic, “But many there are who follow in the footsteps of Lucifer and adopt as their own his rebellious cry, “I will not serve…who, usurping the name of liberty, style themselves liberals.” The ideology of liberalism aims to dismantle traditional structures and beliefs, and often portrays the past as being dominated by superstitious practices and institutions meant to restrict personal freedom. It does this through politics. In his article, “The Consequences of Catholicism for Political Theory,” Benjamin Studebaker, an honest Marxist holding a PhD, says that our society can be considered “post-Catholic” because Catholics had to subordinate morality to politics embracing pluralism: “This is why liberalism is fundamentally a post-Catholic ideology–it cannot work in a context of full atheism, in which good/truth/God have been rejected. In a context where these things have been wholly rejected, we return to the principle of might makes right. By trying to flesh liberalism out and make it feel more substantive, the liberal theorists have moved more and more people away from good/truth/God toward an emphasis on desire satisfaction and autonomy.”

The realm of politics can be seen as the intersection of liberal ideas and demonic influences, potentially leading to distorted perceptions of reality. Liberals are overactive in the institutions that produce the ideas informing people about so called “new truths,” about who are the real reactionaries, and how to remake the world. For the liberal, politics is everything, and everything is political. Who you are politically means the most to liberals because it is Satan’s way of categorizing his detractors. Bishop Fulton Sheen once commented that politics would be the method for enslaving mankind, saying, “…but he (Lucifer) was suggesting to the Lord theology is politics…the mastery of the world in the future will depend entirely upon politics.” Lucifer has become a symbol of rebellion since the Garden uprising, reflecting the revolutionary political movements of past centuries, which sought liberation from moral restrictions and promised a new Eden.

Around the end of the eighteenth century, revolutionaries “demonized themselves, so to speak, in order to demonstrate their complete rejection of the Christian establishment.” Satan would become a “positive political role model, a symbol of political goodness.” We know that the people we associate with can influence and change our behavior in various ways, from simple things like the sports team we cheer for to the foods we eat. However, it can also influence our opinion about tradition, values, reality, and power. The Russian Mikhail Bakunin was a revolutionary socialist who encouraged anarchism through his writings. In one, titled, God and State, he writes, “But here steps in Satan, the eternal rebel, the first freethinker and the emancipator of worlds. He makes man ashamed of his bestial ignorance and obedience: he emancipates him, stamps upon his brow the seal of liberty and humanity, in urging him to disobey and eat of the fruit of knowledge.” To Bakunin, Satan symbolizes revolt and reason, and that belief in God was “one of the most threatening obstacles in way of humanity’s liberation.” Satan was seen by many socialists as a symbol not only of intellectual enlightenment, but also of actions that were deemed sinful by certain individuals. In 1907, the socialist magazine Brand published a short story called “In Hell.” The story depicts a proletarian, who is imprisoned, having a dream about Hell. In the dream, Lucifer explains, “Jehovah is conservative, but Lucifer is a democrat,” and Hell is not a place of torment at all: “…Christianity preaches asceticism and self-denial; we preach happiness and pleasure. Hence, all the things considered sinful on earth are practiced here: eroticism, dance, theatre, and cheerful melodies.” Another short-lived socialist publication, Loki: Pamphlet for Youth, asserts that Lucifer is the spirit of liberation, “the human lust for rebellion, the battle between oppressor and oppressed.” West German anarchist-terrorist, Michael Baumann, claims satanist tendencies were widespread in his political circles. “Hail Satan” was actually the internal greeting.

Some people view tolerance as a liberal value. However, others believe it is used as a technique to help establish a totalitarian state by eroding the principles necessary for maintaining freedom. Tolerance advocates manipulating the human will: “Tolerance thus becomes a device to elevate certain liberal ideas and constituencies above public criticism rather than trusting that they will eventually emerge victorious on their merits in open public debate.” Lenin knew that tolerating something against your values would eventually become intolerance towards you. Paul Gabel in his book, And God Created Lenin: Marxism vs. Religion in Russia, 1917-1929, put it this way: “Nothing in thought or aspiration seemed to Lenin more incomprehensible than tolerance. For him it was indistinguishable from lack of principle. It was the beginning of contemptible surrender.” It is common for liberals to believe that they are tolerant simply because they identify as liberal and not as “intolerant Christians.” However, recent studies have shown that Gen Z is less tolerant of opposing views despite considering themselves more tolerant than previous generations. It is clear that Gen Z is very disconnected from reality and history. For instance, they are waging war on statues, distorting historical facts, and disregarding the importance of biology. This behavior could lead to a dangerous shift towards proto-fascism and the imposition of immoral beliefs. You are rendered invalid, if you do not capitulate to such pathologies. Gen Z is, as Blake said of Milton, “of the Devil’s party without knowing it.”

A recent study from 2020 found that “political ideology may also be relevant to mental health, as people who are more liberal, especially those identifying as ‘extremely liberal,’ are more likely to have mental health problems. It is suggested that may be because conservatism is associated with greater religiosity.” It is possible that the perpetual cycle of mental illness could be from the prevalence of mental health professionals being liberal. One study found that only six percent of professionals in psychology described themselves as conservative and feared the negative consequences of revealing their political beliefs to their colleagues. The study found they were correct: “In decisions ranging from paper reviews to hiring, many social and personality psychologists said that they would discriminate against openly conservative colleagues. The more liberal respondents were, the more they said they would discriminate.” There is also research that demonstrates that liberals are less happy than conservatives: “conservatives are more likely to embrace family-first values and virtues that steer them towards wedlock and fulfilling family values” liberals, on the other hand, embrace the “false narrative that the path to happiness runs counter to marriage and family life.” Four studies from several countries concluded that “childlessness leads to liberalism, support for homosexuality, abortion, and promiscuity, while parenthood creates conservatism and traditional values.” In an article from Current Affairs titled, “Why We Should Abolish the Family,” lets you know right in the beginning: “The family is a conservative project that limits human flourishing. The family must be abolished.” Another article from Slate shares the sentiment but calls out the fearful liberals to take credit, “Yes, Culture Helped Kill the Two-Parent Family. And Liberals Shouldn’t Be Afraid to Admit It.”

The insight of Dostoevsky’s Demons of liberal parents producing revolutionary children was again made prophetic with Midge Decter, a century later, with her book, Liberal Parents, Radical Children: “we allowed you a charade of trivial freedoms in order to avoid making those impositions on you that are in the end both the training ground and proving ground for true independence. We proclaimed you sound when you were foolish in order to avoid taking part in the long, slow, slogging effort that is the only route to genuine maturity of mind and feeling.”

Children of liberal parents are more prone to accept revolutionary ideas because liberal parents are more concerned with “injustice” in the world and how they failed to change it. One mother confesses that her son “learned progressive values from my husband and me. When he was in elementary school, we took him door-to-door to canvass for John Kerry and Barack Obama. When he was in middle school, we took him to rallies to protest Scott Walker’s union-busting Act 10. In high school, he learned to make sophisticated arguments for his liberal positions on civil rights and economic fairness.” Then she becomes shocked for creating a monster. Often, the seed of liberal indoctrination parent’s plant gets germinated by the liberal professors, and flowers into revolutionary activity.

Another example on how liberals are revolutionaries bent on destroying the foundation for a free civilization is from Michael Walzer, written in the 1996 issue of the liberal intellectual magazine, Dissent that sought to find the middle ground between communism and liberalism, and gave a list of liberal political successes since the 1980s: affirmative action, feminism, the emergence of gay rights, the acceptance of cultural pluralism, the transformation of family life, changing sexual mores and new household arrangements, the process of secularization and the fading of religion in general, Christianity in particularly from the public sphere—classroom, textbook, legal codes, holidays and so on—legalization of abortion, gun control, environmentalism, and constraining police powers. What one would assume are natural evolutions of human reason and rationality, Walzer admits that these victories were not won in the central arenas of democratic politics but by the revolutionary activities of “liberals and the liberalism of lawyers, judges, federal bureaucrats, professors, school teachers, social workers, journalist, television and screen writers—not the population at large.”

Walzer admits that the sense of cultural collapse we feel is the result of these liberal “victories”: “…and that the victories of the left have caused the collapse.” Completely unconcerned about what type of society we will be left with, when the institutions that make a society dissolves, Walzer ask: “How would it be held together? Would it be stable? What would everyday life be like within it?” Then he confesses, “The focus of the left and liberal politics these last thirty years has been overwhelmingly on “liberation” from various restrictive institutions and practices-not on the creation of new institutions and practices.” When in positions of influence where decisions are made on how culture is shaped, liberals will seek to make their liberal ideas normative. A Disney executive in charge of content was caught on video confessing to having a gay agenda and adding queerness to children’s programming. What helps make sense of this is that she is also a mother to a transgender and a pansexual child.

In my film, It’s Easy Being Green When You Have No Choice: Sustainable Development and the End of History, I explore the concept of elevating creation above the creator, as warned in Romans 1:25. Satan, known as the revolutionary liberator of creation from the confines of Christianity, goes beyond man and women directly to the Earth itself. Interestingly, six months after the official end of the Soviet Union and Mikhail Gorbachev’s resignation, he became an environmentalist and attended the first Earth Summit to usher in the phenomenon of sustainable development. Recently, Utah State Treasurer Marlo Oaks claimed that sustainable development is part of “Satan’s plan” because it is not only about global rationing and control of natural resources but has also become an instrument to impose liberal values.

Saint Paul’s letter to the Ephesians warned them that our battles are not physical but spiritual, not flesh and blood but against “Principalities and Powers, against the world rulers of this darkness, against the spiritual forces of wickedness on high.” People are beginning to express that the most viable explanation for what is happening in the world today is supernatural. Jonathan Pageau just comes out with it: “People are afraid to talk about these things… I’ll say it straight out, there’s a demon that is a watcher, watching over a pattern of reality, and that is what is maintaining it together and making its boots work in the world and these people are possessed and are unwilling agents of a demon and they’re bringing about this system.”

As we recognize that politics alone cannot resolve our problems, religion serves as a foundation for values, ethics, and morals. However, with the rise of liberalism, the significance of Christian ethics has declined. While liberals may believe that a world without religious influence will be more ethical and freer, it could lead to tyranny, as we rely solely on our own reasoning to determine what’ is right and wrong. Then Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger put it this way:

But when we look at the presuppositions and the consequences of this seemingly marvelous expedient that lifts the burden of man’s inconstancy, we realize that this unburdening—“liberation”—is based on the renunciation of morality, that is, on the renunciation of responsibility and freedom, on the renunciation of conscience. That is why this sort of “kingdom” is an optical illusion with which the Antichrist dupes us—such a liberated society presupposes perfect tyranny. I think we must make it clear to ourselves again today, in all earnestness, that neither reason nor faith ever promises that there will be a perfect world someday. It does not exist.

If you are liberated from the right moral formation on how to act, what is going to be the result? Irrational behavior. And when enough people start to act irrationally, you are going to get a reaction (and it is not Donald Trump)—it is banks closing your account or refusing to do business with you because of what you think. It is the FBI placing parents on a terrorist watch list for acting like parents, or being banished from participating in the economy or community for not agreeing with the evolving liberal morality, and technology being used for the wrong reason and in unethical matters. In the Garden, Adam and Eve were free. As Pope John Paul II explains, their freedom had limits, “The man is certainly free, in as much as he can understand and accept God’s commands. And he possesses an extremely far-reaching freedom since he can eat of every tree of the garden. But his freedom is not unlimited: it must halt before the tree of the knowledge of good and evil.” The problem with liberalism is that it has no limits, and sometimes you need limits. Tyranny shows up when liberalism runs its course and passions are incapable of being contained, and a new order is needed to keep the emerging disordered society functioning. The problem with most liberals is that they do not understand the consequences of their actions. This essay argues that demons are guiding those unknowingly liberal actions. Lucifer comes to you as a representative of liberalism and says he will liberate you—but what it really means is liberation from the moral order; and once liberated from the moral order, you are put under another form of control, not of your choosing.

Liberal elites spend billions of dollars socially engineering the manipulation of passions on how the reality of race, sex, science and religion is perceived. The culture is being deformed and molded into a ceaseless confrontation between every man, woman, and child. In principle, what is going on is the marketing of the idea of liberalism—it is being sold like a product, and it has no competition at the level that it is currently being consumed. The solution is not our side acting like play-by-play announcers on the sidelines, constantly commenting on the malaise or the occasional anti-woke slices of entertainment. Our target is not preaching to the choir but engaging directly with liberals and appealing to their concept of what they are for and against. Many individuals want freedom and oppose tyranny. However, some have been misled into thinking that liberalism is the only path to achieve freedom and happiness. They may even reject alternative worldviews based on the Bible, often dismissing them from historical context because they view the Bible as restricting their personal freedom and view it as oppressive, to enforce a moral code that goes beyond their individual autonomy. It is essential to understand that embracing liberalism can lead to a loss of freedom and the rise of oppressive political systems.

Instead, it is crucial to value Christian morality, traditional families, and customs as they serve as a true safeguard for freedom and liberty. This can be achieved by rejecting liberal ideologies and promoting the alternative idea that liberation without end will lead to a totalitarian state.

Anyone promoting liberal ideas needs to be prevented from reinfecting society and people need to be persuaded to stop voting for liberals.

We need to associate every social, cultural and political malady with liberalism—write books about it, publish articles and op-eds, and produce entertainment demonstrating the ineptitude of liberalism and liberal ideas in stories.

If you need an example why liberals need to be rejected the way, as Christians and conservatives are, read about the teacher who is “proud as f–k to be a liberal” and is in love with Communism; and if you want to see what happens when liberals are have power, watch this.

If the word “Mother” and “Father” can be eliminated and redefined, then so can liberalism. If Robin DiAngelo can publicly say and have CNN promote the idea that if “you’re a white person in America you’re a racist, pure and simple, and without a lifetime of conscious effort you always will be,” then we can promote the idea that if you are a liberal, you are undermining society in diabolical ways, and with a little conscious effort you can reverse the slid to tyranny.

Conclusion

Prioritizing individual autonomy and choice above all else will result in tyranny. Many people believe that any limitation on equality and freedom as a result of non-liberal values is oppressive. The liberal believes that the main goal of government is to protect its citizens from this type of oppression. As a result, it strives to eliminate these values from an ever-growing range of daily activities. James Kalb in his article, “The Tyranny of Liberalism,” explains how liberalism become tyrannical this way, “[liberalism] demands submission to arbitrary principles and conclusions. It insists on controlling everything that affects public life, including the human soul. It responds to criticism by silencing the critic. It destroys concrete freedom by centralizing power, by undermining standards that make free social life possible, and by destroying our connections to others and so making us dependent on universal systems utterly beyond our control. And in the name of giving us what we want it denies us everything worth having.”


Frank Pinski is a filmmaker and writer on politics and culture who also works as a researcher in the legal field. His debut film, It’s Easy Being Green When You Have No Choice: Sustainable Development and the End of History, explores the impact of sustainable development on freedom.


Featured: Demons Pulling People into the Jaws of Hell, by Heinrich Kley; painted ca. 1910-1915.


The Power of Authority: How We Defeat the Antichrist

And we beseech you, brethren, by the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ, and of our gathering together unto him. That you be not easily moved from your sense, nor be terrified, neither by spirit, nor by word, nor by epistle, as sent from us, as if the day of the Lord were at hand. Let no man deceive you by any means, for unless there come a revolt first, and the man of sin be revealed, the son of perdition, Who opposeth, and is lifted up above all that is called God, or that is worshipped, so that he sitteth in the temple of God, shewing himself as if he were God. Remember you not, that when I was yet with you, I told you these things? And now you know what withholdeth, that he may be revealed in his time. For the mystery of iniquity already worketh; only that he who now holdeth, do hold, until he be taken out of the way. And then that wicked one shall be revealed whom the Lord Jesus shall kill with the spirit of his mouth; and shall destroy with the brightness of his coming, him, Whose coming is according to the working of Satan, in all power, and signs, and lying wonders, And in all seduction of iniquity to them that perish; because they receive not the love of the truth, that they might be saved. Therefore God shall send them the operation of error, to believe lying: That all may be judged who have not believed the truth, but have consented to iniquity (2 Thessalonians, 2).

Jesus Christ, the omnipotent, came to save us from enslavement to power. He did this by overpowering the powers of this world, not with His almighty power, but with his divine authority. When he told Pilate that He could at any moment summon legions of angels to defend Him, but would not do so due to His Kingdom being “not of this world,” He was telling Pilate and us that authority trumps power, and the kingdom based upon true authority is sovereign over all others. The Jews rejected Him because they worshipped power, their own, and He both refused to join in their idolatry and unmasked it as such. The Jewish leaders crucified Authority itself, and any person from that day on who knowingly and deliberately rejects the divine authority of Jesus Christ does the same.

There were foreshadowings of Christ’s unmasking of power without authority in both the Old Testament—consider Jerimiah’s call to surrender and Isaiah’s Suffering Servant—and in pagan literature, the Iliad being, as Simone Weil has shown, an unmasking of the collective suicidal delusion of the archaic worship of force, with the reconciliation between Achilleus and Priam hinting at the transcending of this worship. But it was the Passion of Our Lord, the ultimate epiphany of power with no authority in His murderers, and authority with no power in His crucified helplessness, that fully unmasked and conquered the satanic system of the sovereignty of power with no authority and authority annihilated by power. It would take a thousand years or so for the pagan-power system to be fully repressed (but certainly not destroyed, for both anti-Christian Judaism and paganism lived on underground, as it were) and the Christian system to be substantially incarnated in Western society (to read an incomparable study of this transformation, see Andrew Willard Jones’ The Two Cities). But as Jones demonstrates, the deterioration and fragmentation of the Medieval system of universal peace over violent conflict and divine authority over demonic power in the fourteenth century within the metaphysical acid of nominalism led to Protestantism, confessionalization, the “Wars of Religion,” and the rise of the sovereign nation-state, in which spiritual power was made subservient to temporal power. Well before the manifestly diabolical French Revolution, the pagan power system was for all intents and purposes back, though now wielded by Christian sovereigns and peoples, as he writes:

After this period, the relationship between rulers and their subjects changed. Previously, people tended to have overlapping religious and political loyalties and associations. No one ruler could claim all of a person’s obedience. Instead, societies tended to be diverse, with local authorities, such as the local lord and bishop, sharing most direct authority, and with these small groupings united into larger ones in similarly diverse ways. Any given person had a wide range of relationships with a wide range of authorities, including universal authorities, such as the emperor and the pope, that transcended all local power. Now, however, it was agreed that the people of each country were solely subject to a single state. This was not a division of religion from politics because nearly all the states of Europe were confessional states, with highly centralized churches, but it was the positioning of politics, of the temporal power, as the only real human power. The spiritual was entirely subservient to it and operated entirely within its bounds. Each country would decide what religion was and how it would function inside its own borders, and other countries were indifferent to its actions. Wars between countries, then, would no longer be over spiritual things but over merely temporal things like natural resources, power, or eventually ideology.

“The temporal power as the only real human power.” This has been the case ever since, and it has only become more pronounced and institutionalized. Unless it is institutionally reversed, with power in complete submission to authority, no personal or private employment of power, however benevolent, graced, and aimed at the Good, will do the amount of good that is required and desired by God. And such a reversal now cannot be accomplished by the employment of merely human power, just as the original overthrow of the system by Jesus was not accomplished by power. It can only be accomplished by the omnipotence of authority, ultimately of truth, which is to say, by the authority of truth taking the place of power in both the souls of individuals and society at large.

The scamdemic was the global enthronement of power without authority, and was permitted by God as a trial and test for Christians in preparation for the reign of Antichrist, a trial and test which they, as a whole, failed. By now, it is clear to many of those—but not enough!—who knew right at the beginning that the pandemic was based upon lies, a coordinated and orchestrated psy-op, that it was and is something even more evil than this, namely, an all-out war by the satanic elite against, literally, the whole world, to end in the death of billions and the complete physical and spiritual enslavement of the rest. But though the enemy employs massive and deadly physical terrorism as a tactic, its main goal, getting its marching orders from Lucifer himself, is the damnation of souls. Thus, its main weapons are not physical, but psychological and spiritual—intimidation and seduction. They are now winning this war, in my estimation, for the masses of the world have capitulated to its intimidation and seduction. This didn’t have to happen, and it doesn’t have to happen now or in the future. They can only win the war for our souls with our free cooperation.

Just as a temptation from the Devil has power over us only to the extent it is consented to, a lie has power only when it is believed, and the most power when it is deliberately preferred to the truth. And this is precisely what happened in March 2020. Those who should and could have known better surrendered to power with no authority, knowing, or at least suspecting, that it had no authority. How do we know this? Because, by and large, the claims they made were not questioned as to their truth, and the measures that were implemented were not questioned as to their goodness. And anyone who did question them was mercilessly attacked by these unquestioners and deemed to be evil. But to accept a claim that is neither self-evidently true, previously known to be true, nor made by a credible authority without questioning it in the light of truth is to sin against and betray the authority of truth. Moreover, these claims were used to justify the use of power, what was soon to be manifested as a tyrannical and totalitarian employment of power the likes of which had never been seen in human history. But to exert or condone the use of power without questioning its goodness, a power not seen to be justified by the authority of the Good, is also to sin against and betray the authority of Truth, the Truth about the Good.

We could have defeated the whole scamdemic and all the connected evil that has ensued in its wake up to the present time, as well as conquered the enemies of Truth who now rule us with an iron grip, by simply asking questions about their eminently questionable claims and unjustified exertions of power: Is it true, based upon what I can see with my eyes and what tradition has taught me and what I know from experience about health and sickness, that we are really in the midst of a deadly pandemic? Why was a sophisticated simulation of virtually the same Covid-19 pandemic scenario held in October of 2019? Why are the hospitals putting so many people on ventilators when this was never done before and is killing more people than it is saving? Is Ivermectin really just a horse dewormer? Do masks really protect us from viruses that are way smaller than the mask mesh? Are the CDC and the WHO and Anthony Fauci and my town’s public health officer completely authorized to issue commands that trump all other authorities as well as settled law? Does the governor of my state have the right to shutdown the economy without the consent of the people and that of state representatives? Does the Pope have the right to cancel Holy Week? Why are exceptionless, and constitutionally protected rights suddenly abrogated by fiat, and at the behest of unelected, globalist bodies? Why is the sacred political principle of subsidiarity begin violated on every level? Why are doctors and scientists who question anything certain public officials claim being censored and cancelled? Why are questions being prohibited and the people who ask them treated like traitors and violent criminals?

A person asking questions regarding the claims and actions of those in power indicates that he holds the truth and the good to be ultimate authorities, not the claims and actions themselves or the people and groups who make and do them. But not only did most Christians not ask these questions, but they also mocked and persecuted those who did. If you would have asked these Christians if they believed they had personal access to the truth and the good, and the obligation and responsibility to ensure that everything they believed and every action they did or permitted to be done to them was acceptable only by the authority of the truth and the good, they would have assured you indeed they did believe such. But, as a whole, they showed only lip service to these beliefs in how they responded to an intimidating and seductive power demanding their allegiance and rewarding them for giving it. There were many, of course, due to prolonged conditioning in a culture of power worship and bereft of counteracting conditioning in sub-cultures of theistic belief and practice, who really did not believe in the authority of transcendent and absolute moral and spiritual truth and goodness, and these were sitting ducks for the totalitarian onslaught. They gave in immediately and with pleasure. But there were also many who did not explicitly or consciously believe in transcendent authority, who would have even mocked such authority as superstitious and unenlightened and oppressive, but who yet acted as if they did believe by asking truth-seeking questions to power and courageously resisting its commands—and suffering a lot for it. But the many well-formed Christians, particularly Christian leaders, had no excuse, and they committed treason against the sacred authorities they should have honored. Under the extreme duress and seduction purposely unleashed on us by the Satanists, it was difficult. But this is what it means to be a Christian. They showed their real colors—the colors of hypocrites, liars, and cowards. Some repented of their treason, but not nearly enough to make a difference. Christians lost this all-important spiritual battle, and we are not in good stead for the next one.

What the Scamdemic revealed was that the vast majority of religious believers in America were and are, underneath pious externals, either liars or cowards, for when the demand to offer the pinch of incense to the Satanic Caesar was made, they did it, showing their ultimate allegiance to Power over Authority, to Power without Authority. If all or even most of these repented, even now, I wouldn’t be writing this article. But I have seen no sign of mass repentance. If anything, there is a doubling-down. They could have asked questions, and when their questions were not answered, they could have refused to believe unjustified claims and obey unjustified commands. They freely chose and are now still freely choosing not to. I daresay Christians still can defeat this ongoing totalitarian onslaught simply by disobeying power with no authority. If we had done this in 2020, the totalitarians would either be in jail right now or dead by execution for crimes against humanity.

The scamdemic and all that came in its wake, the Globohomotrans cult, the Ukrainsane, and the CBDC program, as well as the emergence of an Antichurch fully on board with all these evils counterfeiting and attempting to replace the real Catholic Church, are all unprecedented crimes against humanity and God. But, they are only the precursor, the anti-John-the-Baptist to the Antichrist, as it were, preparing souls by a baptismal rite of mortal sin and the preaching of unrepentance for the final spiritual test and trial. Those who allowed themselves to be satanically baptized into power-worship and unrepentance will be judged, and their judgment will be their total enslavement to power without authority, the very definition of the Antichrist:

Whose coming is according to the working of Satan, in all power, and signs, and lying wonders, And in all seduction of iniquity to them that perish; because they receive not the love of the truth, that they might be saved. Therefore God shall send them the operation of error, to believe lying: That all may be judged who have not believed the truth, but have consented to iniquity.

Our mission now is to fight against the precursor of Antichrist with all our strength, but not with the worldly and illusory strength of power, but only with the infinite power of authority. How do we do this? Simply by ensuring that all we say and do, any word we speak, any employment of and obedience to power is aimed first and foremost at manifesting to ourselves and to others the authority of the True and the Good, ultimately Jesus Christ and His Church. If we had all done this in 2020, the Luciferians’ war against humanity would have been defeated before it began. It is not too late now to employ the power of authority for the salvation of humanity.

We must prepare ourselves spiritually for the arrival of Antichrist and help those prepare who have received the love of truth, but who may not be quite prepared for this next and final test and trial. I fear that those who have not received the love of truth, who refused and still refuse to ask questions of power, may be lost. But we can still pray for them and must do so, for God’s mercy is infinite and incomprehensible.


Dr. Thaddeus Kozinski teaches philosophy and humanities at Memoria College. His latest books are Modernity as Apocalypse: Sacred Nihilism and the Counterfeits of Logos, and Words, Concepts, Reality: Aristotelian Logic for Teenagers. He writes here.


Featured: Antichrist seated on the Leviathan, from the Liber Floridus (Ghent University Library), folio 62 verso, ca. 1090-1120.


A Complex “Near Abroad”

The Euro-Atlantic economic and security system, which can be summarized with the EU and NATO, also looks towards the southern shore of the Mediterranean. These two organizations have gradually expanded their cooperations with the nations bordering the Mediterranean coast, establishing different architectures and programs of dialogue, economic and security cooperation.

For the EU the ENP (European Neighbourhood Policy) developed since 2004 is geared immediate neighbours both to the east (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine) and to the south (Algeria, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, the Palestinian territories, Syria and Tunisia). As of 28 June 2021, Belarus has suspended its membership in the Eastern Partnership. Libya and Syria currently do not fully participate in the ENP. NATO established the Mediterranean Dialogue was launched in 1994 and include Algeria, Mauritania, Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt (it includes also Israel, Jordan and for Libya there is the open door, if it wants to join).

However, the progressive extension and worsening of the political, economic, social and security situation in the nations south of the countries bordering the Mediterranean, and for the same countries on the southern coast obliged these two organizations to enlarge their attention to an important and large part of the African continent.

The “near abroad” concept and vision for EU and NATO, consequently expanded from Maghreb to its neighbouring region, Sahel. Both are affected by a grid of problems, fractures and opportunities and it is an obliged choice, a painful necessity in order to reduce potential damages.   

The Maghreb (in Arabic, “the West”) is a geographical and political region that includes five countries: Libya, Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco Mauritania, and the disputed territory of the former Spanish colony of Western Sahara. The Sahel (“the edge” or “the limit”) is a geographical region that extends south of the Sahara Desert, through ten countries: Mauritania, Senegal, Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Nigeria, Chad, Sudan, Eritrea and Ethiopia. Both spaces add up to almost 9 million square kilometers, more than twice the size of the EU. This are count more than 550 million inhabitants with a 3% of birthrate. In its social structure, with different intensities, the concept of tribe or ethnic group still prevails. The majority religion is Islam, which in some countries coexists with animistic practices.

In these regions there are failed States, such as Libya, and others are marked by internal conflict, such as Tunisia; there is regional rivalry between countries, both from the political and diplomatic point of view as well as security (Morocco and Algeria); in other territories the presence of terrorist organizations is stable (Mali or Nigeria) or there is political instability (Burkina, Niger or Mali); certain nations suffer almost endemic famines (Sudan, Eritrea or Ethiopia); some countries are places of transit or origin of irregular immigration flows to Europe (Libya, Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, Mauritania, Senegal, Mali or Niger). And in all of them, the democratic standards, to a greater or lesser extent, are lower from Western standards. Many of these nations have natural resources that should favor their economic development and are of special interest for Western industry and economy. The risks and threats related to this area of the planet are a recurring object of interest in successive national security strategies, as well as for NATO and EU.

In this enormous region, terrorist activity with a jihadist ideology is together with other instability elements such as illicit trafficking, political instability, famine, forced displacement of the population, irregular immigration networks and poor and weak governance. In the dynamics of jihadist terrorism, it is a constant to use regional conflicts as training grounds for future terrorists who will end up acting in Western countries. These groups spread their propaganda through social networks to ideologize people who finally join the jihad in conflict zones or in the Western countries where they reside after legal and/or illegal migration. In the region there are economic resources of interest but physical and legal insecurity hinders legitimate business activity in the region.

Currently, the Sahel countries with the highest terrorist activity are Mali, Burkina Faso and Nigeria. Mali has more than 1.2 million square kilometers and a very low population density. The country and the populations in the north and south show notable differences both ethnically and culturally. As a result of the agreements of the Berlin Conference of 1884, artificial borders were imposed in Africa that separated ethnic groups and cultures, a process that also affected Mali. Traditionally the population of northern Mali (Arabs) has not felt identified with the policies of the Government of Bamako (Black dominated). The fall of the Gaddafi regime in Libya triggered the return of numerous Tuareg fighters to the north of Mali and the reactivation of initiatives to advance towards the independence of the northern regions gathered around the self-proclaimed state of Azawad. The Malian forces where not in condition to control the situation and the area of fighting was used by jihadist armed groups to occupy part of the territory. The Bamako government’s inability to control the country led it to request international aid. In January 2013, the “Serval” operation began—led by France—, which in July 2014 was renamed “Barkhane,” extended to Burkina Faso, Niger, Chad and concluded at the end of 2022. In 2013 the EU launched a military training mission for the Malian forces called EUTM-Mali, which would end in 2024, and two civilian missions, EUCAP Sahel Mali and EUCAP Sahel Niger, whose mandates will end in January 2025 and September 2024 respectively, and giving the strong hostility of Bamako, the first one is probable that will be not renewed. For its part, the UNSC approved by Resolution 2100 of April 25, 2013, the establishment of the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA), a peace enforcement mission that had aims to pacify northern Mali and is concluded, on the request of Mali (and the withdrawal of the “blue helmets” is ongoing and it would be completed at the end of this year). All these efforts did not overcome the threat, which at the contrary licked to Niger and Burkina Faso. After the last military   coup in Mali, on May 24, 2021, social and government rejection of Western troops—especially French ones— has increased. The final thing is that all the international presence is on the way to leave the country and the current government is relying on the mercenaries of the Russian company Wagner to combat terrorist groups and the anti-Western feeling spread in Burkina Faso. While the Tuareg groups maintain an agreement, certainly precarious, with the Government, while the jihadist-based armed groups have been congregating around two major groups: the Support Group for Islam and Muslims and the Islamic State for the Greater Sahara, which count on several thousand militants with the capacity to occupy territory and control the population through terror. Attacks on humanitarian aid convoys or MINUSMA columns and bases are frequent. The first and most obvious consequence of terrorist activity, not only in Mali, is the growing IDPs both to safer areas of the country and to Mauritania and Senegal, where these refugees live precarious life.

Irregular immigration is another of the risk factors that can affect the security side. This is not necessarily caused by immigrants, but by organizations that stimulate and control illegal trafficking: specialized structures, linked to other criminal traffic, that obtain great benefits and disregard the risk of losing their lives to which they expose immigrants. Irregular immigration can entail other risks —such as the increase in social unrest as a consequence of massive arrivals—which is why it is a phenomenon that can be easily used as an instrument of political pressure, like it was done by Morocco against Spain in occasion of the hospitalization in that country of the leader of the independentist movement of Western Sahara, POLISARIO in May 2021. And, in some cases, it constitutes the gateway to Europe for jihadist terrorists.

Down to Maghreb, as above mentioned, there is Sahel; this area includes countries with important differences in their economic structure and natural resources. However, they are all among the LDCs. The region has been facing multiple challenges for years —such as political instability and insecurity—, added to the economic and health crisis caused by COVID-19 and the increase in energy and food prices, a consequence of the Russian-Ukrainian war.

In the case of countries in which around 80% of the population depends on agriculture and livestock —with the exception of Nigeria—and where the primary sector represents between 20 and 45% of the GDP, the climatic conditions and the expanding desertification, are factors which challenge any option for growth. Some of these territories are rich in natural resources, including the rare earths. This is the case of Chad, where more than 90% of exports are fuel, rare hearts and precious metals, or Niger, where 80% of exports, directed to France and the UAE, are concentrated in uranium—Niger is the third world exporter of this mineral. The case of Ethiopia is significant: it has significant gold and tantalum reserves. Despite its natural wealth, as general view, the benefit obtained affects the governing leadership, linked in some cases to foreign interests, and the population does not get an improvement in their income.

On the other hand, the industrial sector is very limited, mainly linked to agri-food sub sector, with a low demand for labor with the notable exception of Nigeria’s petrochemical industry in consideration that the country is the largest producer in Africa, representing the 80% of the national export (as comparison, in Chad, income from the exploitation of natural resources constitutes almost 22% of GDP; however, the oil sector generates 80% of these incomes).

The services sector presents various degrees of development in the Sahel, with the exception of Nigeria and Senegal (for this country is tourism the leading subsector).

Trade relations are concentrated in the export of hydrocarbon (oil and gas), rare hearts stones and metals (particularly gold). In addition to commercial exchanges between neighbors, the relations that the Sahel countries maintain with China, India, US, Switzerland, UAE and EU (particularly with France, Belgium and Spain). However, there are important barriers that hinder the arrival of investors: insecurity, legal and tariff obstacles, high installation costs caused by the enormous expenses in electricity and protectionism against imports.

The region’s population structure is typical of developing countries: due to the high birth rate and low life expectancy, there is a high percentage of young people.

Undoubtedly, a characteristic common to the countries that make up this geographical area is the situation of poverty in which a large part of the population lives. In the Sahel, between 30 and 40% of the population lives on less than $2 a day. Extreme poverty is especially concentrated in rural areas, where the population depends on agricultural or livestock production, subject to climatic fluctuations. The percentage of the population living in rural areas is especially high in countries such as Chad (77%) or Mali (53%), which explains the significant economic dependence on the primary sector and the difficult access to basic services, such as education or health, a situation that leads to high levels of illiteracy and high mortality rates.

In addition to the problems mentioned, there is increasing demographic pressure on certain areas of the region, caused by internal displacements caused mainly by armed conflicts.

The Maghreb occupies an extensive area that includes densely populated coastlines and desert and unpopulated areas that end up bordering on the Sahel. This circumstance produces a double territorial imbalance —between the coast and the interior and between the countryside and the city— which has triggered an exodus to the cities, whose services have been overwhelmed and suffering. The main industrial and agricultural activity in the Maghreb is located in the coastal areas; it is complemented by an important mining and hydrocarbon activity in a large part of the territory. These factors encourage the Maghreb to have a GDP per capita of more than $3,000. Mauritania with $1,700 euros it remains more closer to Sahel. However, GDP growth has been irregular, not sustained and insufficient to generate the resources required by demographic pressure. However, it remains higher than Sahel.

The economies of the Maghreb are based on three pillars: the agri-food sector, the export of manufactures and a significant contribution from hydrocarbons and minerals. In the agricultural model, modern agriculture, for export, focused on Mediterranean products (fruit, olive oil, vegetables), and traditional agriculture, dedicated to cereals, converge. This sector concentrates about half of the workforce in Morocco, but only contributes between 10 and 15% of GDP, which underline a low productivity. In Tunisia, the figures are more balanced: the activity employs 16% of the labor force and accounts for a similar percentage of GDP. In the rest of the region the weight of agriculture in exports is lower.

Fishing is a fundamental sector for Mauritania, representing 10% of GDP and 35 % of its exports. For Morocco it represents 16% of exports. Both countries have very rich fishing grounds, however exposed to risks of overexploitation. Example of it is Morocco, which has already exhausted the fishing grounds in its internationally recognized sea border and the only fisheries reserves are now in the water of the disputed Western Sahara and Rabat use it as political tool with economic and political partners/customers like EU (especially Spain and Portugal), but also South Korea, Russia and China in order to legitimize his presence in the former Spanish colony.

Mainly, the industrial sector of the Maghreb has experienced growth in the north, influenced by its proximity to the EU and its low costs. In the case of Morocco and Tunisia, the protagonists have been light manufacturing; the automotive and aeronautical industry; in Algeria the steel and petrochemical industries are strong. However, the Maghreb run around the exploitation of natural resources, mainly hydrocarbons and minerals. The largest producers of oil and natural gas are Algeria (98% of export revenue) and Libya (95%). Morocco, less rich in hydrocarbons, is the world’s second largest producer of phosphates, while Algeria looks to develop the same sector and with Chinese help, the iron ore. Mauritania is hopeful that oil exploration projects will become a reality, after many promises, and iron ore now accounts for the bulk of its exports. Tunisia, despite being below its neighbors Algeria and Libya, is a producer of phosphate, iron, zinc and some oil.

The commercial activity of the Maghreb materializes fundamentally in countries of the EU; Mauritania, whose main customer is China, is the exception.

All the countries of the Maghreb and the Sahel were colonies of several European nations, but even under foreign rule existed tribes/clan dynamics which where formalized after the colonization. To this lack of political experience was added, during decolonization, artificial borders separating ethnic groups, establishing territorial units with no elements in common and the new states were unable to exercise effective control. The classic elements that make up a State—people, territory and power, governed by a legal order—have not fully articulated to ensure the necessary political stability, especially in the Sahel.

With regard to the political form of the new States, except for Morocco (even if a constitutional monarchy, the king keep an iron fist in controlling the policymaking and governance), the rest of the countries in the regions studied were constituted as French-inspired semi-presidential republics. Due to the aforementioned circumstances and the lack of stable party systems, these have frequently degenerated into personalist governments, threatened, in turn, by frequent coups, especially in the Sahel.

The wave of democratization that began in the 1990s and continued through the first decade of the 2000s gave us a glimpse of some hope, which had vanished after the failure of the so-called Arab Spring. Political fragility, corruption, the emergence of jihadism and the expansionist policies of certain countries, added to the effects of climate change, are threatening the very viability of the States of the Sahel, since without political stability robust and sustained economic growth cannot be born. Electoral systems in the Sahel area operate in a framework of political pluralism that is not guaranteed and do not generate trust among citizens. Consequently, the results are often disputed, especially when the general interest is neglected in favor of the tribal or ethnic interest. In this environment, constitutionalism becomes a purely semantic issue. European attempts to support certain governments in the Sahel so that they are able to control their security crises have not had the expected success; Support from countries with more lax democratic standards has been shown to be more effective, making available to those supported procedures that cannot be assumed by Western values.

Maghreb and Sahel are marked with a greater or lesser extent, by political and institutional instability, little chance of progress for young people, high rates of poverty, illiteracy and insecurity. All this conditions the more than uncertain future of an area besieged to a large extent by corruption, whose governments, whatever the political form of the State and the current system, lack the capacity to protect and empower their populations. The situation described generates social discontent that, on many occasions, is transformed into different forms of violence. Thus, there seems to be an obvious link between poor governance, corruption and violence, creating the potential combination for “a perfect storm.” Governance can be understood as the provision of political, social, economic and environmental goods that the citizens has the right to expect from their State, and that a State has the responsibility to provide its citizens. Poor governance manifests itself in various aspects that, broadly speaking, are shared by the least developed countries in the area:

Low economic development and extreme poverty. According to the Human Development Index (HDI) of UNDP, which includes 189 countries, those of the Sahel are at the bottom in development, with a GDP up to ten times lower than the territories of the Maghreb, which is already low, and it is estimated that at least 40% of its inhabitants live in extreme poverty, that with the endless increase of population, it will worsen the situation.

High unemployment rates and low literacy. Poor reforms are reflected in the high unemployment rates in some countries. These are very young societies, with high fertility rates and low literacy (especially in the Sahel area). The inexistence of qualified employment opportunities represents a great loss for the States, since the emigration of citizens interested in jobs of this profile prevents their contribution to national governance.

Corruption. According to Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index, whose classification includes 180 countries and territories around the world, the public sector in the Maghreb and the Sahel is among the most corrupt on the planet. Corruption is due to political and cultural reasons and generates economic stagnation and institutional disaffection. Values such as freedom, security and transparency have not yet settled in the upper echelons of the political and military establishment.

In terms of democratic governance, there is a setback connected with high doses of institutional instability, caused by popular revolts more or less vast, as in Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia, or coups, as in Mali, Guinea or Burkina Faso, white coups in Chad, civil war in Libya and Ethiopia, perennial presidencies in other states. Institutional instability significantly weakens state structures and makes it difficult to implement public policies that build confidence at the internal and international level.

The extension and link between terrorism and criminality have as consequence, in some cases, of the weakness of governments and internal disagreements.

The insecurity encourages massive population movements within countries and between neighboring States and to Europe. Added to the foregoing is the socioeconomic exodus, caused by poverty and poor governance, which is precisely the reason for political instability and insecurity. These phenomena lead to hundreds of thousands of refugees, IDPs and migrants, collapsing of the already limited public services due to terrorist and criminal threats.

It is undeniable that, without skilled security forces that generate confidence among the population, progress towards economic and social development is improbable. All this generates poverty and uncertainty and encourages emigration through criminal networks in Morocco, Mauritania, Tunisia, Libya to Europe.

For this, it is necessary, without a doubt, to maintain collaboration. Although it may be time to propose a new model, one that does not lose sight of the social, political and cultural reality of these countries and considers that the Western model is not welcomed and directly applicable to territories that carry a colonial past and still suffer the consequences of an unfortunate territorial division (and this is used as excuse to excite the chauvinism of the local population with the aim to consolidate the governing elites, especially now, while Russia and China take advantage of it in their confrontation with the West). Further, the emphasis of the respect of collective and individual liberties from the West it is saw with open suspicions and hostility by the region leaderships which consider these concepts as way to increase moral corruption and push for access into domestic affairs, revealing the authoritarian nature of these states.

In the field of security, it would be convenient to have a more active participation in the training of the military and security forces of the countries of the Sahel zone, (while for Maghreb this is less necessary, giving their better quality) and it would even be necessary to contemplate their accompaniment in the fight against terrorist and insurgent groups, assuming the possible risk of their own casualties. The training and provision of new skills must be accompanied by a program to monitor their effective and adequate use and their correct maintenance through a calendar of targets, conditional on meeting previously defined objectives and accepted by both local governments and by the Union or the participating Member States.

In the economic and social field, it seems necessary to create the bases to achieve sustained development, which fosters the conditions so that the population —especially young people—, mostly settled in rural areas, does not consider emigration as the only possible solution to their situation of extreme poverty. In this sense, cooperation programs could be launched aimed at modernizing agricultural and livestock production systems, improving the supply of products or developing value chains and promoting an incipient auxiliary and transformation industry linked to said production. To this end, together with international cooperation, duly coordinated with actions in other areas, the use of other types of financing should be promoted, such as microcredits, which entail monitoring and monitoring of medium-term results. Additionally, the evaluation of the impact of the projects seems to be a key element that will make it possible to redefine priorities and improve their design. However, any initiative in this sense will not achieve the objectives pursued if two essential conditions for the desired economic and social development are not met: security and national political stability and good governance.

In the field of governance, it is evident that the strengthening of institutions is a necessary step to promote the rule of law, transparency in public activity or the fight against corruption, among other aspects. Programs aimed at training officials and advising or collaborating with public administrations could perhaps have a direct effect on the better functioning and stability of the institutions. A public function made up of servers with a high level of professionalism and competence could minimize the impact of crises and/or political instability. However, as already mentioned, the push transparency and rule of law is not welcomed by the local elites and any action should be oriented to corner them into accept it and avoiding that this situation will drive those elites to rapprochement to Moscow and China, as already happened, especially for cases like Algeria, that does not depend to the economic dependence from the West.


Enrico Magnani, PhD, is a retired UN official and expert in military history and international politico-military affairs.


Ukraine, or Hatred as Virtue

The conflict in the Ukraine has brought unexpected clarity to the meshwork of contradictions that bestrew the so-called “civilized.” The West breathlessly presents itself as “righteous” and “good,” while very little inside it can still be described as such: “whitewashed tombs” (Matthew 23:27).

For example:

  • The law has been unhinged entirely from actions once deemed criminal. Children are avidly and maliciously taught sexual perversions in schools, even to the destruction of their own bodies, while actions once thought criminal are simply “reparations” and therefore never to be punished.
  • Transvestitism has become a great campaign to rewrite humanity itself.
  • Anti-white racism is now the “normal” Western habit of mind.
  • Mass immigration has destroyed indigenous Western populations, despite the West’s rhetoric of care for indigeneity.
  • Deindustrialization has transitioned into defarming so that food can cease being abundant.
  • The age-old anti-Catholic assumptions have expanded into a total war against the last vestiges of Christianity, the foundational moral-structure of the now atheistic West.
  • Economics, once designed to sustain and expand human welfare, is now a tool to destroy it.
  • Culture, which once housed the strength of Western values, is now a tool to destroy them.
  • “Human rights,” “freedom,” “democracy” are empty phrases, repeated piously, while nothing in present-day Western society suggests that these qualities actually exist.
  • The traditional understanding of technology as a helpmate of humanity has become a method for its control, and even its destruction.
  • Care for nature has veered into anti-natalism and the hatred of humanity itself.
  • Truth is no longer needed, since the lie serves far more important purposes and constructs.

The project of the West is no longer to expand the benefits of civilization, but to destroy civilization so that a new world may be born, in which there are only as many humans as needed. This is known as “progress” and is the very lifeblood of the West today.

A single thread unites all these progressive efforts—the lie, and the chief attribute of the lie is hatred. Those that deny the lie must be hated. One becomes virtuous in the West by proudly hating what is supposed to be hated. The government marks for the public what and who is to be hated and loved. And the people, with the help of the media-education-entertainment complex suitable adapt their emotions, and express outrage or approval as mandated. Such manipulation is no longer subtle; it is in-your-face, because the public has been lied to for so very long that they can no longer understand subtlety. They demand coarseness—the more vulgar, the better.

The conflict in Ukraine, among many other things, is one such Western construct, a glossography, where lies and hatred exquisitely intertwine. Russia is to be lied about and openly hated—because Russia is the government-approved “enemy,” and dutifully all the gourmands of hatred try to outvie each other to see who can spew the vilest of hate against the “enemy.” This competition has strongly united nations and populations. How do I hate thee, let me count the ways…

The examples of such pharisaical expressions are now dime-a-dozen and easily found, even in the most unexpected of places. Examples of Western Russophobia are endless, and there is little point in repeating them, from the never-ending rounds of sanctions against Russia (round 11 is now being packaged), to Zelensky of Ukraine prohibiting Russian books form being published or imported into his country, lest the purity of his nation be destroyed by contact with Russian, to some rich author canceling her own book because it was thoughtlessly, horror of horrors, set in Russia. Or, just ordinary folk letting off a bit of steam.

But the honor of uttering the foulest venom must go to Andrzej Duda, the president of Poland. Needless to say, the government of Poland specializes in fomenting rancor against Russia—it feels that this is its God-given role now in the world—to make the world realize just how beastly and evil Russians are. Such is the divine mission of Polish politicians, and they certainly revel in it.

On June 23, 2023, for example, in an interview given to a Ukrainian TV Channel (Espreso), Duda dropped these gems of wisdom:

“Russia cannot be allowed to win because it will continue to advance. This will support its imperialism. It is like a wild beast that will eat a human being. If a wild beast eats a human being, it is usually said that it should be hunted down and shot because it is used to eating human flesh. The same with Russia.”

Such sphinxian knowledge Polish politicians, like him, alone possess:

“Perhaps the West does not understand this, but we know it very well.” To clarify: “it” being Russia, the man-eating beast.

Just replace “it” with… say… “Israel” and see what happens, as you’re hauled off to jail, in any “free” and “democratic” Western country, for hate-speech. But Russia. No problem. Say what you like. All hatred is acceptable. Knock yourself out. Your government expects you to hate Russia. If you don’t—there’s something seriously wrong with you, and more than likely you’re a Putin agent. I won’t mention the Two Minutes Hate à la 1984. Duda is the Virgil of our age, in an anti-Divine-Comedy of his own contrivance, his pansophical finger pointing out the nine-levels of depravity of the Russian beast. Quite the calling!

You see, Russia is the new “infidel” that must be routed and annihilated. Only a Russia-less world can be truly “free” and “democratic.”

But before long, Duda remembered that he was the president of some country or other, and shoved in a tad of lawyer-gibberish, to give himself that air of authority:

“This is a necessary condition [killing the man-eating beast] for a successful and just end to this war. What should it be? At least in such a way as to restore the supremacy of international law. International law will be restored when Russia is pushed out of all occupied lands in Ukraine.”

Murdering an entire nation is justice, and the only way this war in Ukraine can end “justly” is when Russia is killed off, like a rabid beast. What’s mass murder among Western friends? It’s all to restore “the supremacy of international law,” after all. Nothing wrong with that at all, is there?

And then Duda catches himself, with an olive branch to any Ukrainian peacenik that might be listening to the Espreso interview (there must be such a creature, somewhere in Ukraine. Rara avis, no doubt and seldom sighted, but there must be one. A hint to birders). Duda suggests that the death-blow should not be quick and painless. Oh no. That would be anticlimactic and therefore disappointing. He has readied the scarpines for Putin. Yes, indeed:

“We must make sure that we, together with Ukraine, tire Russian society and torture Putin.”

But then Duda knows a thing or two about torture, given how you get treated in Polish prisons, so that the penal system needs a regular check-up.

On a side note, in order to hate Russia properly, you also have to show excessive love for Ukraine, and especially for Zelensky. Is this why every Western leader that meets him has to hug him, and look longingly into his eyes and just hug him again. There’s a lot of homoerotism going on with Zelensky; but then Zelensky is used to such affection.

This is why, Duda had to come out of the closet at last and let it all hang out:

“President Zelensky and I love each other, but we are involved in politics.”

And once politics is done, look out world!

This would explain the special hugs reserved for his great love.

One can only hope that one day the good people of Poland will wake up and refuse to be led by such crackpots. But that is an awakening that needs to happen throughout the West. We’re all sick and tired of our leaders. Maybe Duda was actually on to something about how to treat man-eating beasts…


C.B. Forde is a full-time farmer and part-time reader of books, even those suggested to him, at times, by his wife.


What Conspiracy? On the Nefarious Purpose, Means and Ideas of Globalist Imperialism, Part 2

Read Part 1 and Part 3.

The Disinformation Racket of US/European Imperialism

1. The Rule of Lawfare and the Military Industrial Complex’s Animosity to Trump

Part 1 of this essay focussed upon the purpose and some of the means of the US/ European Axis globalist imperial project. Some of those means veered into what is simply dismissed out of hand by the media and those, like academics who parrot what they say, as conspiracy theories. As I indicated in the conclusion of Part 1 the facts are the facts, and if there is any larger theory about why those facts are occurring then it is reasonable to ask who is behind them, who benefits, as well as what are the benefits of making a cluster of things happen which all form a pattern. That cluster is one in which oligarchs and technocrats preside over a neo-feudal global order. The vassals who serve them do the dirty work of censoring, economically and socially ostracizing, fining and imprisoning those who are obstacles to the expanse and implementation of this order. On the domestic front, the oligarchs and their vassals keep pressing on. The most recent development are, as reported by The Epoch Times (one of the rare newspapers that was debunking Russiagate as it was being concocted):

31 counts of wilful retention of national defense information; one count of conspiracy to obstruct justice, one count of withholding a document or record, one count of scheme to conceal, one count of corruptly concealing a document or record, one count of concealing a document in a federal investigation, and one count of false statements and representations, information about the national defense, lying to federal investigators, obstructing justice.

The intricate legalities are all being explained by politically legal scholars and fact-checkers so that if the former President is sentenced to a prison sentence of a hundred years it would be perfectly legal as well as reasonable. The serious charges come under the Espionage Act. It would be hard to get more serious. Then there are the obstruction of justice, document concealments and lies told to agents who themselves worked for bosses who routinely lied and obstructed justice. People who don’t take their truths from CNN and the cabal of oligarch-intel agency funded media are pretty much all asking the same questions, which all point to the US operating under two sets of laws. The most often asked ones are:

  • Why is it that state intelligence officials who are publicly opposed to Donald Trump such as Peter Strzok, James Comey, James Baker, Andrew McCabe, John Brennen and James Clapper have lied under oath and never been charged with obstruction of justice, while Michael Flynn, and Roger Stone have served time in prison for that? And why does the mainstream media not only not care about such double standards but employ these people to offer political commentary?
  • Why has the use of a private email server for conducting affairs of state so that personal and state affairs can be intermingled without public scrutiny or historical record, so that, for example, a pay (the Clinton Foundation) to receive special US government favours might be concealed, never been subject to any serious media scrutiny? And why was it simply dismissed by James Comey as “extremely careless” instead of a crime?
  • How is it that a story fabricated in a presidential campaign about the opposing candidate being a Russian operative was not only so effective that it was repeated as if it were true in the media, but also used as the basis for spying on that campaign and imprisoning people for ‘process’ crimes is treated as if it were perfectly legitimate? How is this act of spying on a Presidential campaign not worse than Water Gate?

In the latest Trump case the big issue was why what seemed to be a case about classified documents moved to one in which the centrepiece was NDI documents. Given the proximity of its timing with the Durham Report, and the ramping up of people pushing further into the Biden money trail, ever more questions about China spying and the Biden family (all to be found in the laptop from hell stuff, which high ranking CIA, FBI and military officials conspired to dupe the public into thinking was a Russian Psy-Op) to those who sit back and wonder why now—it wreaks like a two month old abandoned fish factory still full of fish in a record drought year. Not that I think it will make a scrap of difference to how Trump is politically parsed. For those who hate him it confirms “He was a spy;” to those who don’t, some will think he has behaved very foolishly, and given his enemies a great opportunity to be rid of him once and for all—possibly; and for those who think the deep state has been at him from the day he announced his presidential campaign run, this will only confirm that Trump is seen as threat to the deep state.

The one piece that everyone knows about in the NDI bits was Milley’s plan to conquer Iran. Once upon a time, a President who stopped that, and kept evidence about the kind of shenanigans the MIC was up to he would have been carried aloft by professors and journalists chanting “No More Wars.” Now they tut-tut over their coffee and granola nodding beneath the Ukrainian flag they have draped in their kitchen along with the commentary that a President who had the temerity to hang onto evidence of a general plan to invade Iran is a danger to world peace. By the way—does anyone know how many Presidents have previously held onto any NDI documents after leaving office? Has anyone ever cared about this before? That’s the kind of question tens of millions are asking right now. And their answers are why Trump is still their preferred choice for President. And, funnily enough, they are the people who identify as patriots, while the people invoking the espionage act are the ones who think the flag, the national anthem and 1776 are embarrassing or just plain rancidly racist symbols.

Bill Barr, and Judge Napolitano have weighed in about the seriousness of these charges. But even if so, the DOJ has long since lost all credibility in terms of who it prosecutes and why. For those who want to know if the legalities of locking away a President are open and shut because not even a President is allowed to keep such secrets as what Milley was plotting on behalf of the USA and the rest of the world, I refer the reader to the legal analysis by Will Sharf. He is “a former Assistant U.S. Attorney, who worked on two Supreme Court confirmations, and clerked for two federal appellate judges.” The most important part of his argument comes down to intentionality—which by the way was the aspect that Comey said absolved Hilary of any criminality. The following two sections from Sharf’s analysis are the most pertinent:

Did he really think these documents, like years old briefing notes and random maps, jumbled together with his letters, news clippings, scribbled notes, and random miscellaneous items, “could be used to the injury of the United States”? Or did he just think of them as mementos of his time in office, his Personal Records of the four years, akin to a journal or diary?

If he thought these boxes were his Personal Records, he may have believed that NARA simply had no right to receive them at all. Meaning that he did not willfully withhold anything from an official he knew had the right to receive them. Because he didn’t believe that anyone had the right to receive them.

By breathlessly bandying around classification levels and markings, the Special Counsel is trying to make this case seem much, much simpler than it is. Classification levels do not automatically make something NDI, and having classified documents in your possession is not enough to convict here.

Just because something is classified—even Top Secret, SCI, NOFORN, FISA, pick your alphabet soup—does not mean that it is National Defense Information (NDI) within the meaning of the Espionage Act.

NDI, for the purposes of an Espionage Act § 793(e) prosecution, is defined as one of a long list of items “relating to the national defense which information the possessor had reason to believe could be used to the injury of the United States or to the advantage of any foreign nation.”

A lot of the documents listed in the indictment are older, or seemingly random. Would Trump in 2022 have had reason to know that a 2019 briefing document “related to various foreign countries, with handwritten annotation in black marker” could harm the US or help foreign countries?

Tough to say, because we can’t see the documents, but that’s a question the jury is going to have to decide in the end, and Trump’s legal team needs to drive home this point over and over again

Just as I write this essay Hunter Biden has agreed to plead guilty to minor tax offences and fire-arm possession. None who are not working for the uni-party see this as anything other than a blatant play to make the charges on Trump look “fair,” which is what Trump said and which is yet another example of why he still garners supporters when he should have been dead and buried after Pussy-gate, though contending against the wife of an adulterous President who had been accused of rape put boys-locker-room- dirty-talk in perspective.

The media, like the Democrat Party, carefully picks its women victims—Tara Reade no good; Juanita Broaddrick no good—they accused a man from the party of all things wise, and noble, and loving; E. Jean Caroll very good. She targeted a threat to the entire world; even though the story of sexual abuse (not rape) in the changing room of a Manhattan luxury department store during opening hours might leave someone who has ever been in a luxury department store, and noted the lack of privacy that you might want if you just could not control your urges at that moment, somewhat sceptical—surveillance cameras? could she not cry for help? It did not take long for the “me-too-movement’s” slogan “believe every women” to segue into the formula: “believe every woman who is a victim of a predator the press does not approve of.” That shows just how morally serious Hollywood and mainstream journalists are in their defence of anyone who claims to be a woman (even when it is so they can beat penis-less women at sports, or perve on them in nude spas and showers and toilets). Trump supporters include women, gays, and trans, blacks, Latinos and whites. I have heard dozens of them say why they support him—and what they all have in common is that they deeply resent being made fools of, and would much rather someone who kicks back rather than fold.

The Donald Trump phenomenon exists for one simple reason—a massive number of people think the country has gone mad and bad, and that they would rather support a deeply flawed man who sympathises with them, even if they have nothing else in common with him than people who mock, deride and try to use them as clients for building a world where they are the ones to be disposed of. Trump is a symbol of resistance to the disintegration of the USA. One might think surely there could be a better symbol—and surely his time has gone. I do not know if the latter claim is true or false, but the reaction to him and his support base seems to be just as deranged as it ever was, and the dirty tricks just as dirty. And yes there are far more eloquent critics of what is occurring who might throw their hat into the electoral ring. But political destiny has a funny way of clearing away the strictures of the more pure among us, and providing someone who can fight in the mud. The thing, though, that always puzzled me was why did so many former celebrity friends who begged him to be on their tv or radio shows (including the biggies like Letterman, Colbert, Winfrey, Stern), who fawned all over him as they encouraged him to run for president, then turn on him when he actually decided to act in line with their advice and run? They all shared his politics. It was the politics of the Democrats for decades: let’s employ Americans instead of off-loading manufacturing to where wages are cheap; let’s side with the little guy at home and not do what Republicans do—give free reign to multi-national corporations who are responsible for the industrial wasteland occurring in our town and cities. Trump’s run in 2016 could have been lifted straight from the Warren Beattie movie Bulworth, a film that was basically a piece of 1990s Democrat agit-prop).

Trump’s politics never changed—he was saying this in the 1980s and being slapped on the back by the same lot who called for his impeachment, or whatever it took, to free the nation of this plague resting under the world’s worst comb-over. Of course it was not that much of a puzzle really. They followed the money—and as much as Trump had, it was peanuts compared to his opposition. They and the people who paid their salaries were part of a much larger global sweep of oppositional forces, that included the world’s wealthiest men and their companies, as well as the globalist political and administrative classes, and all the vassals on the globalist private and public ticket. Their motto was not America first in Trump’s sense of creating jobs in America, and developing prosperity for the American working class, but America and Western Europe first—in the sense of supporting policies for the world’s wealthiest oligarchs and an America-led (first) alliance with Western Europe to impose its values, its priorities, and its access and control of resources. To that end it requires the Military Industrial Complex, that also includes the creation of a standing world army (NATO) under its supervision to be ever-ready for the endless wars which it helps fuel, as it runs over or undermines any regime that is in its way.

That is why Tucker Carlson, in his third Twitter show, and racking up 30 million tweets in 12 hours, made the salient point that the line Trump crossed had been to position himself against the Industrial Military Complex. For Tucker the moment Trump sealed his fate and galvanized the Military Industrial Complex against him was when he said, in his campaign, that the “weapons of mass destruction in Iraq was a lie.” Everyone knew that. Anti-Republican journalists and anti-war academics—which is to say most of them at that time—had been saying this for years. But it was then the propaganda machine against Trump as Hitler went into full effect, as the story that was endlessly repeated was how much less safe the world was with the reckless orange-haired Hitler having the authority to press the button.

According to Hilary, and her cheer squad of journalists, it came so very, very close when Trump called Kim Il-Jong “Little rocket man” at the UN. So dire was the situation that eventually, after Trump had “lost” the 2020 election and hence was bound to pound the blow-up-the-world switch out of a temper tantrum, that one of the MIC’s very own men, General Milley, phoned China to tell them that the world was in safe hands—his.

The pressure from the MIC, though, did feed into some of Trump’s very dangerously deluded and rash diplomatic decisions, like the assassination of General Soleimani, discussed below, and the bombing of Syria because of faked and staged chemical attacks attributed to the Assad regime.

Unfortunately, it was precisely these acts of reckless and ill-advised international aggression that gave Trump a moment or two of respite from the media and military officials doing their baying for Trump’s blood. That tells us a lot. Whereas when Trump met with President Putin in what, to me as someone who has spent much of his life teaching Political Science, saw as a fairly well conducted piece of public diplomacy, the press acted as if Trump and Dr. Evil were ghoulishly gloating over the latest plan for Russian nuclear devastation of the USA.

One would never know from the press, who, as Tucker rightly sees, have become the Military Industrial Complex’s propaganda wing, but one of Trump’s worst failures was that in trying to revive America’s industrial base and keep the US out of new wars, he handed over the state department to neo-cons, who had gravitated around Trump like flies to cow-dung, only to dump on him as soon as he either decided not to go along with some scheme or other that they had cooked up, or had blithely walked into some other scheme aimed to derail him. In any case, no matter how many qualifications we may want to add to Tucker’s general claim, I think it fair to say he has a point. Trump was definitely seen as an existential threat to the military industrial complex.

Pat Bet-David (not a Democrat, but no Trump fan-boy) also made a point that is even more telling in an excellent interview with Whitney Webb. Webb’s One Nation Under Blackmail is possibly the most important work on politics in the US I have read—ever. Its research is meticulous and the case she makes about the role of organized crime within the government of the USA is rock-solid, as is the account of the elaborate list of players and their political connections involved in the financial crimes and blackmailing sting being run by Epstein (who is the centre of the two volume work) and Israeli intelligence. She is no partisan, and pulls no punches about presidential corruption, and the corruption that runs through the most powerful political and financial families in the US. She tends to lump Trump in with the rest of the mobsters, blackmailers and laundromat operators running the country. While she notes that the mainstream media has protected—by lying about the extent, and dates of—the Epstein-Clinton connection (as they have also done with the Gates-Epstein connection), and have exaggerated the Trump-Epstein connection (which were financial rather than Trump seeking young girls, though Webb also rightly draws attention to just how the press has neglected the financial arm of Epstein’s/Mossad operations), her negative appraisal of Trump—unlike the disinformation of the mainstream oligarchic- funded jeer-squad—is well made.

The essence of Webb’s critique of Trump is that he is too influenced by Israel, and that his administration was heavily staffed with people with very close ties to Israel, that he did not pardon Julian Assange or Edward Snowden, that his business interests have crooked ties (the Scarfo and the Pritzker families), which also connects with him being mentored by that blackmailing sleaze-bag friend of J. Edgar Hoover, Roy Cohn. But for all that, Bet-David posed the right questions to her, which go some way to understanding why Trump has the support base he has. “Why,” he asked “have the top 10 organizations in the USA and globally hated Trump so much?” And “What institutions that have hurt America so badly, and that hate America, love Trump?” Whitney did not have an answer to that.

David’s podcast has a huge audience, but not as huge as Tucker’s; so for the mainstream media David might as well not exist. But when Tucker made his point—with great applause from George Galloway (yes that is the kind of alliance that is occurring which tells you that all old political categories are total junk for making sense of the world now)—the rest of the mainstream media chimed in immediately calling Tucker Carlson a conspiracy theorist.

Just as the word conspiracy now means anything your eyes and ears inform you of that has not been authorised by the media and the various state agencies of the uni-party behind it, the word theory has lost any meaning. Tucker was not laying out a theory. He was providing an insight, which to be sure was based upon a conjecture. But unlike those denouncing him as a conspiracy theorist, he was trying to identify why all these actors have done what they have done. And what they have done is destroy the rule of law by making politics take primacy over procedure. In doing this they have essentially criminalized what half the population or more value and think. And worst of all, without even realizing, let alone caring that they have done so they have broken the bonds of social unity that provide the requisite cultural condition for a functioning republic, or liberal democracy.

This is why increasingly, people who are all too aware of Trump’s policy errors and disasters (the most egregious of which, outside of international diplomacy, is another one that his enemies supported, was giving control of the pandemic to Anthony Fauci) and personality, are coming around to the position (which has always been my position) that this is only about Trump in so far as he has been a catalyst in exposing the powers who have had as little compunction in destroying the US constitution as they have had in claiming that half the country is a domestic terror coalition of “white supremacists,” homophobes, transphobes, and whatever nasty prefix plus ist or phobe occurs to them. The same concatenation of political crimes has now spread far beyond the USA.

In the USA, the first amendment is nothing but a quaint reminder of the racist and unemancipated ruling class who came up with a constitution so disturbing that the National Archive has to provide a warning about the harmful nature of its language. Fact checkers justify this by pointing out that it is not only the Constitution that gets a trigger warning, which is one more symptom of what a mad-hatters tea-party our “fact-checkers” merrily engage in.

The occasional instances and slithers of constitutional victory still give hope to those who think that politics in the USA is anything other than lawfare. Politicized law, though is not only bad law, it is law that spells the end of democracy. When it is commonplace it indicates that the rule of law has been replaced by the rule of lawfare. The United States—and much of the Western world—has adopted the rule of lawfare. The death of the rule of the law, and the transformation of the rule of lawfare is the result of the organizations and institutions that are essential to the information that enable citizens to make informed political choices becoming nothing more than sites of mis- and disinformation that target enemies and protect friends. There is nothing new about academics being ideological lunatics, nor partisan and stupid journalists, it is the active suppression of any countervailing voices that has turned the sites of information gathering and flow and framing into propaganda agencies.

The reason that the ruling class of the US opts for lawfare not warfare against the recalcitrants who prefer Old Glory to the 22 pride flags available to choose from is because their resistance to the world where elections don’t amount to anything anymore is restricted to some placards, irate podcasters and off grid journalists, and a generally politically docile group whose time is not devoted to white supremacist bivouac, and shooting black people practice, nor to figuring out which hair dye, gender operation, or pronoun they might come up with as they invent ever new ways to sexualize children, run down cities, destroy citizenship, and take out their political opponents. Astonishingly—and shhh, I will let you into a big secret that the media will never tell you: their time is largely taken up with work so they can keep putting the ever more expensive bread on the table, whilst having to react to the latest intrusion into their children’s welfare at school and their parental rights, along with the destruction of their personal safety and public order.

When lawfare does not suffice, though, the ruling class sends out the right signals to a client underclass which it keeps in drugs, squalor, and dependency, on the streets, while also giving them the green light to physically harm who they want and just steal stuff as the need comes upon them. Thus employees who oppose shoplifters will lose their job and possibly go to court. Woe betide anyone who might just happen to want to prevent a black person committing a crime. The ruling class wants blacks to be criminals as well as clients, though it also offers career paths for blacks who want to preside over and make a political living off ensuring the black client-underclass stays a client-under class. Black crime is not crime, and the most productive black citizens are ones that protect blacks so they can be unleashed from squalid neighbourhoods so they can commit crime.

The contender for the greatest North American writer of the Twentieth Century, Ralph Ellison, in his masterpiece, The Invisible Man, wrote about how the communists had used the resentment of the black under-class to make their own political advancement. This is no longer the strategy of communists, but of the American political class, and it has become institutionalised and corporatized in almost every organization that trains and employs professionals. The self-interest and political delusions of that class are so entwined that to even dare to say it, or which is the same thing, to criticize DEI—and all the variant formulae in social circulation—as a package of abstract inanities entrenching clientelism, polarised identities, managerial technocratic authority and the death not only of democracy but of a society in which intelligence, spontaneous solidarity based upon shared loves and sacrifices, and the cultivation of talents and initiative is hammered into fragments of divided groups, each grasping for more of the resources available to a diminishing number of them, is to become unemployable within any large scale private or public organization. It is also to be potentially accused of a crime—a hate crime.

Nothing illustrates where the United States and its vassal states is going and how the media has become the instrument for lawfare better than the mainstream narrative about the “insurrection” that took place on January 6. It was the world’s first insurrection that ever took place without any attempt at a military coup, without anyone trying to control any media, without guns, and without plans. It was an insurrection of disgruntled mostly middle aged, out of shape, typical Americans in good humour, balancing their hotdog, and cokes (the black fizzy stuff you drink, not the white stuff cut up on credit cards and snorted by celebrities, lawyers, politicos, bankers and others who generally hate MAGA types), and placards or flags whilst wandering outside the capitol. They would have all been home for dinner, after believing they at least had the opportunity to express their point of view about how the election was stolen, had it not been for the Antifa and deep state plants turning the party into a violent opportunity for the police to beat the living daylights out of them, whilst killing a couple to show that they meant business. They did so knowing full well that the media would make out that it was the protestors who were responsible for the deaths.

As far as the media were concerned protesting about election irregularities in the US was a white supremacist take-over of the nation by hotdog wielding flag-carrying, red baseball cap wearing coca-cola heads—it was absolutely terrifying for anyone who did not want to use their own eyes, who did not see the line of protestors being quietly ushered by police into the capitol building from the back, or missed the footage where something generally terrifying was police-instigated and deadly—at least for Rosanne Boyland crushed amidst the police induced mayhem, and Ashli Babbitt, shot at point blank range, for trespassing in the capitol, and caught up in the push and shoving by a policeman who was never endangered by her, or anyone in the capitol. Fact-checkers and Wikipedia will make their deaths out to be their own fault. Brian Sicknick’s death, from stroke, incurred after the riot, was, on the other hand, widely reported to have been caused by the protestors before any retractions occurred.

Though, when the protests against Trump winning the election went down that was not only reasonable but something to be proud of, as a beaming James Comey, employed to be a public servanta, said of his wife and daughter protesting against a President whose administration he was supposed to be serving. Attacks upon the supreme court building were not insurrections, nor were the protests outside the white house when the George Floyds protests were peacefully burning down various shopping areas with the approval of various senators and congress members. The mainstream media thinks that everyone has the memory of a gold-fish, and it does so because it mostly employs journalists who do.

2. Media Lies and Warfare. And Just to Refresh your Memory, Some Examples from Jacques Baud’s Governing By Fake News

That some half of the population of the United States see a tremendous amount of conspiring taking place is because there is a tremendous amount of conspiring taking place. And it has changed the entire social fabric and political culture of democratic nations in the West. Though there is one great irony in this: the same kind of machinations that the CIA have engaged in for decades against regimes seen as inimical to US interests, with the media reporting their disinformation, are now par for the course in the US itself. Not that long ago it was not that easy to find a Professor working in the area of geo-politics who was unaware of the nefarious extent of the CIA and the work it did in cooperation with some less than illustrious companies such as United Fruit. Likewise, when the Iraq wars happened there could be found plenty of professors and even a few journalists who thought something stinky was going on. But when it comes to the Russian war, the academics and journalists speaking out against the role of the US and Western Europe in igniting that war are a tiny handful. From the mainstream, Tucker was the only person I can think of who thought the whys’ and wherefores’ of the war deserved scrutiny, and from the universities there is Mearsheimer and a couple of others. The main ones I am familiar with are podcasters, or independent analysts who do regular interviews with podcasters.

But of all those who have spoken out about the false information being spread by the mainstream media about the NATO led war in Ukraine, none in my opinion has laid out the most compelling case against what the US and Western Europe have done in the region than Jacques Baud, a Colonel, “ a former member of the Swiss Strategic Intelligence, a specialist in Eastern Europe and former head of Doctrine of the United Nations Peace Operations. Within NATO, he was involved in programs in Ukraine, including after the Maidan Revolution of 2014 and 2017.” He has on the ground experience of the region, and knows NATO and how intelligence services work from the inside. Plus he has the courage to speak his mind when he sees stupid decisions drawing the world into unnecessary wars. And the internal turmoil now transpiring in the US is a reflection of the confused imperial mind-set which has been interfering in global events to the detriment of the world as a whole, as well as Western civilization which now rallies behind pride flags, crushing inflation, lawfare, infantilism, broken cities and neighbourhoods, race and ethnic hostilities, and hyperbolic moral and meaningless slogans howled by angry and blue-haired non-binaries, their professors and fogged-brain old hippies, and spouted out in more “professional” form in media sites and policy documents to be used by doctors, dentists, corporations, schools, universities, law firms—all of which it passes off as emancipation.

The present war in the Ukraine is but the latest in a long list of US adventurist disasters, and it may very well be a prelude to the big event, War with China, something that is even floated by leading US military officials. And the blue haired non-binary/ professional coalition are perfectly fine with it. Getting the military to go gay and trans was a masterstroke in getting the usual anti-war lot to become another front for the MIC.

Jacques Baud’s Operation Z, and his earlier book Governing By Fake News: International Conflict: 30 Years of Fake News Used by Western Countries provide what I consider the best account of how US imperial foreign policy consists of a great tapestry of disinformation spread by a Media that has abdicated all commitment to researching and reporting on the truth of things.

In this essay, I have drawn attention to deliberate decisions undertaken to achieve strategic objectives in disinformation, but I have also emphasised throughout that it is the amalgam of contradictory interests that is intrinsic to the sorry tale that we are now caught up in. However, I have also mentioned—as I frequently do—the importance of ambition and lack of knowledge in shaping the world. That is one of the lessons I have carried over from Plato—“evil is ignorance” was his (Socratic) formulation. Not being a metaphysician (and having a strong antipathy to most metaphysical enterprises and claims) I am happy to rephrase it to “evil is often ignorance.” I also think that folly is the footman of evil, and there is none so foolish as they who think they know what they don’t (that’s also Socrates), and live by and fight for false convictions. This is what Baud concentrates on. Thus in the concluding section of Governing by Fake News, “A problem of democracy” he writes:

It would be wrong to believe that fake news masks a will. That would be a “conspiracy” interpretation. In fact, the opposite is true: we act without understanding the situation or in haste, and then, in order to hide the errors of governance, we invoke fake news. As a classified presentation by the UK’s Joint Threat Research Intelligence Group (JTRIG) on influence operations states: People make decisions for emotional reasons, not rational ones2024. This is what happened during the Coronavirus crisis in most countries: by ignoring the Chinese experiences, precious time was lost in preparing for the crisis, and emergency measures (generalized containment) had to be taken with catastrophic consequences. The real problem is not the “infoxes” that “get the buzz,” but the subtle distortions of facts that lead our democracies down the wrong path. Our opinions are deliberately distorted by assumptions or mere suspicions, framed in such a way that they appear as established facts.

I agree that Baud has identified a real problem. But one cannot dig away at fake news and not constantly hit a wall of wills as one runs into PSY OPS and false flags, a panoply of gaslighting techniques and examples, endless examples of disinformation created by intelligence agents, and countless lies wittingly told by government officials. All of this exists alongside of the commonplace refusal of media outlets to demand journalistic protocols that would prevent falsehoods of great magnitude and implications for the fate of a nation. Media outlets routinely air false stories, so much so that they are now playing a major part in the Industrial Censorship Complex by protecting the false and denouncing the true. So in spite of his disclaimers about wilful intentions, and a preface that suggests incompetence is the greater crime, in page after page he speaks of the lies that have been told in the West’s fight against its enemies. Thus on the very page after he the citation I provided above, he also writes “Tony Blair will go into Iraq knowing that the charges against Saddam Hussein were false.” And earlier in the book he also noted:

There are very few verifiable and irrefutable facts to support our picture of countries like Russia, Iran, Syria, etc. Gaddafi was probably a dictator, but where are the mass graves of the massacres attributed to him? Omar Bashir was probably a dictator too, but where are the mass graves of the 400,000 deaths in Darfur between 2003 and 2006? By having created and accepted these lies without batting an eyelid, we have generated hundreds of thousands of other deaths and an immigration that we can no longer control.

Indeed, in a book which is possibly the best single compendium of the disinformation about nations and events involving those leaders or nations which have thwarted the geopolitical objectives of the West—objectives which are now impossible to disassociate from globalist liberal progressivism—the word lie accompanies the narrative like a bass drum does a rock song.

But, it is true that many of those, indeed the overwhelming majority, who participate in making up the wall of wills, ambitious as they are, are not very bright, and act out of ignorance. I do not blame Baud, a man with an extraordinary military and peacekeeping career who has taken a stand on the Ukraine war that leaves him marginalized, and open to denunciation and humiliation, for framing the problem the way he does so that the added debris of being a conspiracy theorist is not also piled upon him. And Baud wants his readers to join him in being rational and objective about the information he has presented. Thus he sees

The inability of Western intelligence services to analyse situations objectively and factually is a vulnerability on two levels. The first is the disproportionate influence of the American, British and Israeli services, which are said to have far superior analytical capabilities. The second is that a rumour or the action of a group of individuals could well lead to a major conflict. Our services lack the method and experience to understand strategic realities. Faced with the complexity of security problems, Western services have sought answers in the accumulation of data. Paradoxically, however, data has become their weakness. Pseudo-experts attribute this to the growing inability of the services to process the mass of information. This is incorrect: the problem is their inability to see the bigger picture.

Unlike Baud, I think reason is something everyone thinks they have, and, as I detail at more length in the third part of this essay, the Enlightenment dream of creating a perfect society out of the kinds of creatures (for in spite of our virtues, it is the lack thereof that never disappears—our weaknesses, and susceptibility to laziness, superstition, ambition, lust, greed etc. are perennially with us), is akin to a child trying to move the ocean into a hole with a teaspoon, and, indeed, nothing was ever going to be more irrational and more assured of creating a totalitarian society than the attempt to build a “rational” one.

But I tarry too long with where I think Baud is both giving away too much to his enemies, and hoping too much for where and how much reason figures in our lives. For when faced with the kind of reader who most needs to read it, he will be met with the self-satisfied smugness of closed mind who thinks him a Putin stooge, so maybe his strategy is a way to get a bit of listening space. For the rest of us, though, who want to know what is going on, Baud’s downplaying the intentionality behind fake news has little bearing on what is a rigorous and compelling account of the disastrous nature and direction of Western foreign policy and geopolitical objectives and tactics. I urge the reader of this essay to get a hold of that book, and work his way through the fake news that has operated in tandem with the geopolitical objectives, policies and interventions of the USA and, more generally, the Western imperial alliance. For I can only cover a small sample of the examples that his book provides to make his case.

Let’s start with the lie that Al Qaeda emerged as a response to the Soviet invasion, when the Soviet invasion was itself a response to the “American attempt to destablise the pro-Soviet regime in Kabul with jihadist movements six months earlier. The chaos that followed once the US had achieved their strategic objective of rolling back Soviet influence in Afghanistan led to the emergence of the Taliban. Hardly anyone in the West had ever heard of these goatherders with machine guns in one hand, and a Koran in the other until 9.11. Then, when the attacks upon the USA were interpreted as being master-minded by Osama Bin-Laden the Taliban was ostensibly a party to a global jihadist movement.

In fact, goats aside, it was a regional Sunni sectarian power intent in federating the different ethnic groups that made up the Afghan resistance. I am not saying I would like to be ruled by the Taliban. But the nature and cultural undergirding of social groups, and their existential and political priorities, options and choices in Afghanistan are what they are—and in the 20 years or so of US led post-Taliban occupation, nothing was done that created a more viable or more Western orientated government with a strong support base. The Taliban were the government prior to the US-led invasion and they are again now—after all the killing, the sequence of corrupt governments and the debacle of the US abandonment, leaving those who had cooperated with them to their, fate along with the billions of dollars’ worth of weapons they also left behind for the Taliban (the mainstream figure now touted is $7 billion—I don’t know whether that is closer to the mark than the 80 plus billion claimed by critics of the withdrawal—though I do know if Snopes says it is 7 billion I am more inclined to believe the 80 plus figure). But let us see Baud’s account of the Taliban’s response to the US demand for them to hand over Bin Laden after 9.11. For it is just the kind of fact that most people either never knew or have forgotten:

The Taliban’s position is clear: they are ready to hand him over, but demand proof of his guilt. The Americans provided evidence, but the Afghan High Court of Justice ruled that it did not prove his involvement and refused to hand him over. The Taliban then asked the Americans to make a “constructive proposal” to resolve the crisis. But this request was never reported as such in the Western media and the Americans did not respond. Yet the Taliban sought a solution. On 21 February 2001, they offered to extradite him to the United States in exchange for an agreement on the sanctions affecting the country, but for reasons that were never fully clarified, the US government refused. After 9/11, the issue of OBL’s extradition came up again and the Taliban envoy told the US chargé d’affaires in Islamabad that if the US provided evidence of his responsibility, the “problem could be easily solved.” But in reality, the evidence of OBL’s involvement is of little interest to the Americans, as they had already decided to intervene in Afghanistan long before “9/11.” On 4 September 2001, exactly one week before 9/11, the National Security Presidential Directive 9 (NSPD9)52 was submitted to President George W. Bush for signature. Classified SECRET, it is entitled Defeating the Terrorist Threat to the United States53, and in a TOP SECRET classified annex, it directs the Secretary of Defense to plan military options “against Taliban targets in Afghanistan, including leadership, command control, air defence, ground forces and logistics.“ It was approved on 25 October 2001.

There is much more to that story that Baud tells and that the mainstream US journalists either never knew or never cared to discover, but let’s move onto the Dafur “genocide.” I leave aside the intricacies of the conflict there, and the details Baud provides which indicate what a ridiculously simplistic summary of the issues and events have been spread by the media—and will just cite this passage from Baud:

At the outset of the Darfur crisis, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) mentioned the figure of 180,000 dead. By early 2005, when the UN mission was established, the most common estimate was 200,000 dead. During this period, when the author had a very good overview of the situation and collaborated with the main Western intelligence services, no major clashes took place and humanitarian access was generally good. However, in 2008, Jan Egeland, the then OCHA coordinator, stated that 400,000 was closer to the reality. However, ten years later, the figure most often put forward is 300,000 dead, while remaining purely speculative. Despite numerous rumours and the claims of some humanitarian NGOs, no mass graves, mass graves or evidence of massacres on this scale have been found. In fact, these figures are derived from statistical estimates and projections based on unverified and unverifiable testimony. But this does not prevent the international community from accusing the Sudanese government of “genocide.” To justify this accusation, two notions are played on alternately: mortality due to the consequences of violence (lack of hygiene, lack of water and food, etc.) and mortality due to the acts of violence themselves. In fact, they are mixed. In addition, the role of local armed actors is deliberately minimised in order to attribute their violence to the government. Between early 2005 and mid-2006, at the request of the head of UNMIS, the mission’s intelligence unit (JMAC) carried out four studies on violent mortality in Darfur. All available sources are used: international (such as WHO and ICRC) and non-governmental organisations, the African Union mission (AMIS), the UN security service (UN DSS), Sudanese security services, Western intelligence services and the rebel groups themselves. In most cases, there are photographic documents or detailed reports (police, medical, military, and/or human rights bodies). The results are surprising: Period Number of deaths: June 2004—March 2005 400 April 2005—July 2005 1 200 August 2005—January 2006 500 February 2006—July 2006 400 Total (June 2004—July 2006) 2500 . (JIC Assessment, International Terrorism: Impact of Iraq, Joint Intelligence Committee, 13 April 2005, TOP SECRET (declassified January 2011) Table 2—Victims of violence in Darfur (2004-2006)) These figures are probably still too high, but they include all forms of violence, from simple crime to tribal skirmishes.

The point of this is simply that while a huge number of people in the US don’t know anything about the world, including their own world, those that think they do, when they hear or see the word Darfur, will associate that word with some completely fabricated figure that is supposed to lend support to there having been a genocide. Information is inseparable from association, and when the information is so shoddy, so are the associations and hence the judgments relying upon those associations are bound to be ignorant. And the judgments made so forthrightly by all sorts of influential people are often shockingly ignorant when it comes to commentary upon the enemies of the US. One might add, there is a reason why such a bunch of half-baked brains dreamt up the neo-con disasters that have plagued the US, and, the irony, is that their equally half-baked brained liberal opponents invariably end up just doing a variant of the same thing—thus was the Obama supported/ assisted Arab Spring really just one more stab at regime change that was supposed to make the Middle East the latest democratic flower child to join in US/ European progressive cultural wisdom.

Since the USA abandoned the Shah of Iran to his fate, thereby giving further confirmation to the famous line of Kissinger that “It may be dangerous to be America’s enemy, but to be America’s friend is fatal,” Iran has become viewed by the West, as George Bush Jr, put it in 2002, as part of the axis of evil. Whether true or not, Baud makes a convincing case that at least from the time the story of Irangate broke—where the Regan regime was secretly selling arms to Iran to finance the war against the Contras in Nicaragua—the West has been spreading fake stories about Iran. Thus, for example, in 1988 when the US shot down the Airbus of Iran Airflight 655 that killed 290 people 66 of whom were children), the US government and media concealed the fact that the US cruiser which bought down the airbus was in Iranian waters and then concocted the story that the airbus was really an Iraian F-14 “in a dive against the ship.”

Most people in the West have no idea that Iran had tried to improve relations with the West at the end of the Cold War, that it was neutral during the first Gulf War (given its earlier history with the US backed invasion by Saddam, that was about as good as an “alliance” was like to be), that hostilities with the Taliban, who had assassinated nine Iranian diplomats in 1988, led to it providing intelligence to the Americans, as well as supporting the US invasion of Afghanistan. And for their thanks, as Baud points out a month after James Dobbin at the Bonn Agreement had “thanked Iran for having convinced its Afghanistan allies go join the coalition of national unity,” Bush Jr. identified Iran as belonging to the axis of evil. That old imperial American gratitude yet again.

The following point raised by Baud is also an excellent account of the sheer stupidity of the US when it comes to even thinking though its own geopolitical interests:

By intervening in Iraq in 2003, with the support of the country’s Shiite majority, American strategists did not understand that they were creating a continuous axis between Iran and Lebanon, which they reinforced by isolating Syria after 2005. They thus generated a feeling of encirclement among the Gulf monarchies, as evidenced by a SECRET message from the American embassy in Ryadh, dated 22 March 2009108. This is what will later push Saudi Arabia and Qatar to reassert Sunni influence through the revolutions, which affected secular Arab countries. The West perceived them as democratic outbursts, whereas they were essentially a defensive reaction of the Gulf monarchies that felt threatened. This is all the more true since most of their oil wealth is located in areas where their Shiite minorities are in the majority.

Baud’s analysis of Iran is astute and raises issues rarely noted by Western journalists, but before passing onto briefly look at what he says about Syria and Venzuela, I should mention his account of the assassination of General Soleimani, an assassination much trumpeted by President Trump. Baud has nothing good to say about the impact of Trump’s presidency on global affairs, and whenever his name occurs in this book, it is because of the recklessness of Trump’s interventions. The case of Soleimani is a very good example of a presidential decision making tenuous and fraught diplomatic relations even worse. As Baud points out Soleimani’s assassination was rooted in Trump’s

claim to American authority over Iraqi oil, in payment for investments in the country! In order to put pressure on Iraq, Trump proposed to Prime Minister Adil Abdul-Mahdi to complete the reconstruction of the country’s infrastructure in exchange for the transfer of 50 % of the oil.

The refusal to accept this by Abdul-Mahdi led Trump to respond that he would help internal Iranian opposition overthrow the regime. Subsequently violent protests erupted in Baghdad.

In December of that same year an Iranian-made missile hit a base housing Iraqi and US units fighting ISIS and killing a US mercenary. Although there was no definitive proof of who was behind the strike, Trump accused the Iranians for it, leading to a retaliatory strike in Syria against Iranian backed soldiers. These strikes in turn incited rioters storming the American embassy in Baghdad, while Soleimani was accused of being the brains behind the storm along with plotting operations against four American embassies in the Middle East.

Unable to provide any definitive proof to Congress, the government segued from lie to lie—even claiming “that Soleimani had helped the terrorists prepared for 9.11” (obviously relying upon the fact that most Americans would have no idea about the hostility between Al Qaeda, Saudi Arabia, and Iran, and there was never the slightest evidence for the involvement of Iran, just as there had never been anything reliable linking Al Qaeda to Saddam Hussein). On the day that Pompeo was reduced by journalists wanting to know more about the “imminent threats” to the US embassies he could only bluster that the plans were real, though none knew where they were supposed to be, President Trump changed tack—the issue was not the threats—but Soleimani’s “horrible past.” Baud continues:

On the same day, Donald Trump confessed that this “imminent threat” was not the problem, but rather the general’s “horrible past “! He is referring to his alleged responsibility for the death of 600 American soldiers in Iraq since 2003. An accusation relayed in France by the pro-Israeli media, like Dreuz. But it is false: the Pentagon spokesman confesses that he “has no study, no documentation, no data to provide to journalists that could confirm these figures. Unverified, the number of 600 was not originally attributed to Soleimani, but to Iran. This is also a lie: it originated in January 2007, when US Vice President Dick Cheney was looking for pretexts to strike Iran.

After the generals of the Joint Chiefs of Staff unanimously and categorically refused to strike Iranian nuclear capabilities about which there was no intelligence, Cheney claimed that Iran had supplied directional anti-vehicle mines (responsible for the deaths in question)274. Another lie: the devices were made in Iraq, with equipment purchased from the United Arab Emirates, as confirmed by the very serious Jane’s Intelligence Review.

Baud has no illusions about there not being any internal opposition to the Iranian regime—though he is right to point out the inanity of thinking that the government’s lack of support translates into Iranians in any way supporting US/Western geopolitical intrusions in the Middle East. What is a fantasy is that Iran is today considered to be a global supporter of jihad—any dreams that the Ayatollah may have had of a possible Shia led pan-Islamic alliance seem ridiculous in light of the enmities within the Islamic world—and that is aside from the fact the Iranian form of government is not even universally supported by Shia Muslims.

But the fantasy about Iran is widely held and Baud gives the example of the French writer and philosopher Michel Onfray on the popular program in France “On n’est pas couché,” claiming that “Iran rejoiced, after the Charlie Hebdo killings.” But, as Baud rightly points out: this was not the case at all; “it was unequivocally and publicly condemned by the Iranian President.”

On that front I think a far stronger case can be made that it is the Saudis, a US ally, that have helped sponsor global terror—as it maintained a revolving door of terrorism, geeing jihadists up to leave the country, then locking them up or providing intel to the US as they returned. Further it has spent a fortune funding mosques and imams sympathetic to their Wahhabism in a hegemonic attempt to spread Islam globally. We know why the US lets the Saudis get away with what they do, but apart from it being a dangerous game, the double standards are not lost on anyone who doubts that the US is bringing more order and peace to the world.

Baud also rightly draws attention to the real issue—already mentioned—the Tehran Damascus axis “which frightens Gulf monarchies.” And while there are undoubted hostilities between Iran and Israel, Baud argues that the threat to Israel is persistently overplayed by Israel and the USA and exaggerated by the media.

As with America, Israel’s bungling, and indiscriminate responses to attacks have often played a role in unnecessarily increasing hostilities between them and other regional players. Unlike the US though, the very existence of Israel is precariously poised given its very regional location, so it is more understandable that they overreact or operate outside international norms that they too give lip service too. But however much sympathy one may have for the plight of Israel, bad decisions are still bad decisions, and the law of unintended consequences does not bypass a people simply because of the past horrors they have experienced, and sought to avoid again. That Israel unnecessarily created a fierce enemy for itself can be seen in the creation of Hezbollah in the context of the conflict with the PLO. The settlement of some 300,000 refugees in the aftermath of the “67 war and Black September in Jordan in 1970 had exacerbated Shiite hostility against the Palestinians. Israel’s attempt to put a stop to the PLO “launching attacks into Israel from Southern Lebanon was disastrously handled. Instead of taking advantage of the local schisms and tensions, Israel indiscriminately fought against Lebanese Shiites and Palestinian Sunnis “quickly creating unanimity between them.” Up until then the Lebanese Shiites had not had any particular beef with Israel—and anyone familiar with Sunni-Shia hostilities in the Middle East knows that the religious divisions between Sunni and Shia can be every bit as acrimonious as between Muslims and Jews. If you have not done so find some Sunni-Shia scholarly debates and sit back with the popcorn—it is a theological equivalent of UFC.

Baud’s chapter on Iran also discusses the widely reported claim that President Ahmadinejad, quoting Ayatollah Khomeini, had called for Israel being “wiped off the map,” when what he said was that “the regime that occupies Jerusalem must be erased from the page of history.” The difference may seem moot. But I think Baud is right to draw attention to a mistranslation which calls for the extermination of a people rather than a geopolitical call for regime change. Certainly no journalist in the USA seems to think that their support for what is de facto support for Russian regime change is a call for genocide, even it goes along with Lindsey Graham gloating over money being well spent when it leads to dead Russians. But it is precisely because such conflations between regime and a people are made by choosing to be inattentive to what is actually said that the media de facto endorses perilous geopolitical political adventures. Likewise, the conflation is also at the heart of the unconscionably cruel and stupid tactic that has become commonplace in the West and is part of the armoury to be used against Russian and Iran amongst others to deploy sanctions as a means of inducing regime change. The tactic itself only shows the utter contempt for the ostensible morally based grounding of the West—its willingness to use people, who simply want to get on with living their lives under the conditions they have been thrown into, as cannon fodder in creating a world that fits their picture of the good and the true.

Another primary piece of disinformation discussed by Baud is that surrounding Iran’s nuclear programme. Baud points out that Iran had already abandoned it nuclear weapons program in 2003, and that this had been confirmed in 2007 by the Office of the Director of National Intelligence and the National Intelligence Council, and reinforced in 2012 by Mossad and the CIA. Neverthtless, the US intelligence agencies had disclosed that they were seeking a pretext to overthrow the Iranian government and that Prime Minister Netanyahu went on record to the UN General Assembly saying that Iran would soon have nuclear weapons, thus contradicting a memo from Mossad to South African intelligence saying that Iran was not presently engaged in the production of nuclear weapons.

While it is true that Iran frequently has engaged in bellicose rhetoric about Israel, Iran, nevertheless, signed the Vienna agreement in 2015 in the hope of having sanctions lifted for reducing nuclear capabilities. But the sanctions were not lifted, and in 2018 Netanyahu, a Prime Minister caught up in domestic scandals that may still end up sending him to prison, falsely claimed that Tehran had been lying about its nuclear program. In fact he was using documents dating back to 2002! Trump would follow up on Netanyahu’s falsehood, and adding few of his own in a tweet of July 10 2019: “Iran has long secretly “enriched,” in total violation of the terrible $150 billion deal signed by John Kerry and the Obama administration. Remember that this agreement was due to expire in a few years.” Baud continues:

In a few words, he manages to lie on three points. Concerning enrichment activities, it should be remembered that for military use, uranium must be enriched to 90%. Iran never exceeded 20% before the JCPOA. With the treaty, Iran had agreed to limit itself to 3.67% for a period of 15 years; and in its report of 31 May 2019, the IAEA confirms that Iran has kept to these limits. Moreover, in January 2019, during her hearing before the Senate Intelligence Committee, CIA Director Gina Haspel confirmed that Iran had complied with the JCPOA, thus contradicting Trump. As for the $150 billion, this is not the amount paid by the US, but the total of Iranian assets that should be “unfrozen,” and the total is probably much lower. In August 2015, in an audit to the Senate Finance Committee, Adam J. Szubin, Treasury Undersecretary for Financial Intelligence and Terrorism, estimated the amount at “just over $50 billion.” Another lie. Finally, as far as the timetable is concerned, Donald Trump seems not to have read (or understood) the JCPOA. He claims that: In seven years, this agreement will have expired and Iran will be free to create nuclear weapons. This is not acceptable. Seven years is tomorrow. This is another lie. While some of the treaty’s provisions do indeed expire in 2025 (e.g. on centrifuge development), the most significant clauses (e.g. on the prohibition of nuclear weapons development, nuclear fuel reprocessing or the application of IAEA safeguards) do not have a time limit.

The absurdity of sanctions being imposed upon a state for doing what it is not doing is only matched by the absurdity of what it hopes to achieve, regime change. That is supposed to occur because “the people” will supposedly think that a primary cause of their economic woes, the US, by imposing sanctions are really their friends. There may be cases where this strategy has worked, but off the top of my head I cannot think of them. What is far more common is that the US then gets caught up in fantasies of its own making about some genuinely popular leader of a government in waiting that is pushed by the media.

This is the line being pushed about Alexei Navalny, the subject of another book by Baud, The Navalny Case: Conspiracy to Serve Foreign Policy. Navalny is an oligarch who had received five year suspended sentence for engaging in a scam with his brother (who went to prison for 3 and ½ years) that involved sweeping up state companies at a pittance and then making a killing by (illegally) selling them privately, the most notable of which was the cosmetic company Yves Rocheter. Reading about Navalny in the West today one gets the impression he is a saintly victim and bastion of democracy, when he is just another profiteer operating a network of accounting trails and shelf companies concealing illegal activities. For some reason, the kind of fraud that everyone in the West accepts as fraud does not count as fraud for Western journalists and officials if perpetrated in Russia. It is amazing just what location does to someone. We all know now that a Nazi is not a Nazi, if he is a Nazi in Ukraine.

Likewise Navalny’s xenophobic and racist involvement in the far right “Russian March” has no impact upon him being held up as the liberal alternative to dictator Putin. Nor does the fact that his popularity rating with Russians hovers around the 1 percent mark—a complete irrelevancy for the Western media. What really matters is what is ostensibly his most important credential, viz., he is yet another example of mad Vlad’s poisoning escapades—which seem to convince everybody, except anybody who actually investigates them, and discovers, as is the case in this instance, the whole story is yet one more concoction by British intelligence agencies. Anyone wanting more details about Navalny’s “poisoning” should read chapter 4 of Baud’s Navalny book. For my part, I would really like to know how much Russian mafia/oligarch money makes its way into the British secret service. Our journalists, though, will not report this because they will never receive intelligence briefings about such national secrets.

Sometimes it is not just the nefariousness of the fake news that astounds one about the fakery the US is willing to engage in to try and bring about regime change but the sheer stupidity of the claims, that can be uncovered almost instantly. That is certainly the case with Juan Guaidó’s claim to be president of Venzeuela. One does not need to be a great fan of Chávez or Maduro to see that the US interest in Venezuelan democracy has much to do with oil, and that the support shown for Guaidó comes straight out of Keystone casting who were responsible for those Kops who bear such a striking resemblance to US neo-cons. The recognition of Guaidó as President of Venezuela, by Mike Pence and Donald Trump, though, made any electoral shenanigans that Maduro and his cronies might have been up to mere child’s play, because while Maduro is not universally beloved, he does a have a strong enough support base (as do pretty well all socialists in Latin America). But there was not even the need to have a skerrick of electoral legitimacy for declaring Guaidó to be President. Indeed, as Baud points out, the day after his self-proclamation as President of Venezuela more than “80% of the population had never heard of him.”

Apart from hardly anyone knowing who is Guaidó is victim to another bit of reality that his Western enablers either don’t know or don’t care about, viz. the opposition in Venezuela, which may amount to some half of the country, is not unified into a common program or political spearhead. Whether Maduro should be popular is one thing, but he is popular is another, and, unlike Guaidó, the people of Venezuela at least know who he is.

Baud also recounts the comical spectacle of February 2019 when Guaidó “had called for a million” volunteers to distribute aid at the Colombian border, and a concert organized by Richard Branson was supposed to attract 250,000 spectators—to which Maduro responded by having a concert of his own. (Why one might ask would Richard Branson, the very vocal supporter of the Ukraine war, the great supporter of a global energy renewable reset ever on the search for the right minerals and materials to keep his aviation industry afloat, be meddling in Venezuelan politics ?) In any case, on the big day “there were only a few hundred activists on the Tienditas Bridge, and the concert attracted only about 20,000 people.” But it gets better, the money collected by Branson and the funds from international organizations “had been squandered by Juan Guaidó’s confidants in hotels, luxury clothes, and with prostitutes.” You have to love the Latino crooks, they really get their priorities right—party, party, party all night long!

This, though, was a mere prelude to an even more burlesque piece of political theatre involving Guaidó and his political handlers—the April 2019 coup, “the final phase of operation freedom;” a call for a mass insurrection no less. Again Baud recounts the US led coup that turns out to be one more comic caper of the Keystone variety:

On 30 April 2019, there are two rallies in Caracas: one by supporters of Juan Guaidó and one by supporters of the government; but the international media only picks up on the opposition demonstration. The repeated announcement of the possible defection of high-ranking military personnel had encouraged insurgents to try to enter the La Carlota military base in Caracas to rally the armed forces. CNN reporter Jake Tapper tweets that the government military is firing on the crowd. Problem: he uses photos of pro-Guaidó soldiers, clearly recognisable by their blue armbands! The media is playing a loop of images of armoured national guard vehicles ramming into the demonstrators. This could be an outbreak of violence, as we have seen elsewhere in the world; but no one mentions that Guaidó supporters stole identical vehicles the same morning and that they could have used them to stir up tension. In fact, we don’t know anything about it, but no media outlet is in any doubt.

As USA Today reported, “as the hours dragged on, opposition leader Juan Guaidó stood alone on a highway overpass with the same small cadre of soldiers with whom he launched a bold effort to spark a military uprising.”

In the hands of USA Today this looks more Hamlet than Malvolio or Buster Keaton. But it is a stunning indictment of the utter inability of the US to find competent friends to get the regimes it wants. But given the kind of regime the US itself is perhaps that is simply one more confirmation that what we are witnessing is an imperial power that having found itself through picking up spoils from the imperial fall out of European powers all but destroying themselves, has simply over reached itself, in part by failing to fathom and cultivate what kind of resources were needed to live up to its promise of being the global defender of a way of life in which freedom and initiative would ignite new achievements of the human spirit—that proved to be too hard, though, which is why they turned to the emancipation lot that now flies their flags.

Empires are nothing if not great sacrificial alters requiring serious priests, warriors, and the breeding of generations who themselves are made for sacrifice, and not simply for their own indulgence. Once the ruling class succumbs to indulgence it’s Goodnight Irene—get back into the darkness. Every political philosopher worth anything has warned against the dangers of indulgence, and the US went from a generation of greats to a generation of indulgent brats in the time it took to say Dr. Spock. None can doubt the economic power of the US at its height, but as far as empires go in the annals of history, it is the equivalent of a three minute chart topping pop song.

In any case, the fiasco of Guaidó is but a symptom of US incompetence compounded by relentless pursuing policies that are supposed to be in the national interest but keep on generating ever greater enmity. It might well be that there are better ways to run the economy than Maduro’s socialism, but the spirit of enterprise is not helped by out and out corruption combing international and national players who find loopholes for escaping taxes to pay for developmental infrastructure and social capital. The economic choices of South American governments cannot be separated from ruling class, landed and military economic interests, cooperating with foreign capital garnering its interests with military and police brutality. The class polarisations in Central and South America have deep historical rooted.

Those class conditions when combined with Cold War, and US interference—from the supply of weapons and training to coups, and the propping up of regimes with death squads—in the region, plus the political clout of cartels go someway to explaining why socialism seems to many to be a better option than what they have. A figure like Chávez is the product of a society that has a very different developmental trajectory to Western Europe, North America or Australasia. Baud is right to point to the economic success of Chávez’s nationalisation strategy :

A period of growth followed that no previous government had achieved. The gross national product per capita, which had stagnated between $1,000 and $4,000 for decades, rose to $13,500 in 2010. Poverty is reduced from 70.8% (1996) to 21% (2010), while extreme poverty falls from 40% (1996) to 7.3% (2010).”

But I am less sure than Baud that this strategy did not also come with economic problems down the road, much like Cuba’s initial successes may have not helped move beyond the jolt that was needed. For while US sanctions have made matters worse, I am not convinced that the imposition of one party rule over a nation’s economy and the obstacles for national capital investment have not created major problems. This is a big issue, but creating a political framework for a successful economy strikes me as the most difficult balancing act which ideological thinking does not help. But the cultivation of an educated political elite who can veer between the pernicious interests of global capital and the more locally brewed style of corruptions is an endless challenge, one which Western market democracies once seemed to rise to, but no longer. Nevertheless, what Baud notes immediately following the points about its economic success are indisputable:

In the last decade of the 20th century, the US was absorbed in the aftermath of the Gulf War (1991) and ‘9/11’, with a foreign policy focused on the Middle East and North Africa. Apart from a coup d’état that temporarily overthrew Chávez in 2002, the United States are abandoning the subcontinent, which is tilting almost entirely to the left in Venezuela’s wake: Chile (March 2000), Brazil (January 2003), Argentina (May 2003), Bolivia (January 2006), Ecuador (January 2007), Paraguay (August 2008), Uruguay (March 2010) and Peru (July 2011). One of the consequences of this shift to the left, dubbed the “pink tide,” has been the arrival of other players, such as China, which is taking advantage of this “vacuum” to aggressively move into the continent.

Note the last sentence. Of course empires are rivals—and I cannot help but see the Belt and Road Initiative as anything other than an imperial initiative. But it is a far superior initiative than what has been displayed by the countless decades of US economic and military meddling in Latin America which has done nothing so much as make it a hated country. One could respond with the question, if it is hated, why are so many Latinos flooding the borders? But the hopes of economic advancement, and opportunities behind the mass migration, not to mention the extent of criminal migration and the drug/human/ and child trafficking, do not automatically translate into a desire to embrace the constitution or values of the host country. Many who flood the border come carrying the flag of the country they are leaving behind. And it is very easy to justify breaking the law to enter into a country whose wealth, whether rightly or wrongly, is widely seen as owing a lot to the plunder and political interference in their own country. None can dispute the fact, though, that the existence of the cartels is directly related to the demand for drugs coming from North America, and hence has created unliveable conditions for those wanting to escape from the hellish concoction fueled by drug wars and drug lords.

Further, given that there are no values in the United States sufficiently robust to galvanize civic unity amongst the larger population—even the flag and national anthem are seen as racist by many of the pedagogical class—who could blame those clambering to enter the USA from its southern “border” for simply wanting to take what they can get? Which is exactly what the ruling class of the US teaches, albeit the getting is wrapped up in identity, being a Latino suffices to make one a client for those taking the progressive road to political power. In any case, the ruling class in the United States (using its pedagogical wing) sees the entire globe rather than its particular portion of it, as its rightful asset, which is why its journalists and academics speak incessantly about how the world should be, as if they had the knowledge and the right to run it. Their entitled and extremely grand aspirations, though, fail to take into account that it is highly likely in the not too distant future, possibly in my life time, that the border flood may well end up in territorial (re)annexation by Mexico and the cartels, as the US collapses amidst the race wars it has been creating for itself. The greater geopolitical explosions has been igniting may also ignite a great racial bonfire at home. That the US has created enemies of people and regimes it need not make enemies of seems to be its stock in trade. Another great example of that is the US treatment of Syria.

As Baud points out in his chapter on Syria in Governing by Fake News, Syria had been a member of the coalition against Iraq and had deployed 1,450 troops in Desert Storm. Although Clinton had helped broker a peace process between Hafeez al-Assad and the Isreali government, Bush Jr.’s and Sharon’s governments derailed that. After 9/11 Syria had also provided information that the CIA had admitted was extremely valuable about the activities of the Muslim Brotherhood in Syria and Germany, but John Bolton, who would briefly pop up as yet another neo-con spoiler in the Trump administration, in his role as Undersecretary of State “added Syria to the axis of evil.” Syria did not join the second Iraq war, rightly seeing that it would only exacerbate the problem of jihadism in the region, though it would have to bear the brunt of some 1 ½ million Iraqi Sunni refugees. In a country where the ruling elite has a leader from a minority Islamic sect, which is generally hated even more than Shiites by sectarian Sunni jihadists, the Alawites, which make up some 13 percent of the Syrian population, this was one more existential threat that the Assad regime had to face and which was primarily a US creation.

It does seem that while the US understands the existential threat due to surrounding demographics that confronts Israel, in the case of Syria, that is simply an opportunity to be used. And it was used. But rather than achieving any greater concord in the region, it was used for contributing to even greater chaos which would eventually create the opportunity for Islamic State. While nature also lent a hand—a drought that went for some five years from 2005, so did other political events, such as the assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafic Hariri which, with no credible evidence, was blamed on Syria, though as Baud rightly points out his death left Israel as the major beneficiary of the aftermath of the political vacuum it created in Lebanon. And, as Baud also notes, the regional break up of Syria has been a long term goal to enhance Israel geopolitical strategic advantage as laid out by the Yinon Plan in 1982 published by the World Zionist Organisation. It has also figured in long term US plans, as is evident from a CIA memo of 1986 which states that “American interests would be best served by a Sunni regime, controlled by moderates guided by business.”

Although Baud does not say this, it is noteworthy how the US government and reporters love bandying around the vacuous word “moderate” when dealing with value differences they have no idea of how to address. Under Obama the Muslim Brotherhood were rebadged as moderates, which is clearly nonsense if one takes into account their long term strategic political objectives, as say laid out in the writings of Sayyid Qutb, or any of the official declarations which call for a world living under Islam. The fact is that the differences between the Muslim Brotherhood, Al Qaeda and even Islamic State is one of the constituency of its appeal, the tactic deployed, and the theological emphasis—Muslim Brotherhood is seen as a sell-out for being willing to use the political mechanisms available to it to be rid of the plague of sins which so horrified Qutb when he visited the West, while Islamic State’s hatred of the Shia and even Sunnis who did not wish to join them in the new caliphate, or who believed it had no theological legitimacy. While Islamic State’s (videod) beheadings are extremely shocking—it is difficult to argue that the use of bombs and assassination, or that anything about a world caliphate which would require non-Muslims being Dhimmis is moderate. Words like “extremist” and “moderate” are mobile classifiers—thus now an extremist is someone in the US who thinks one’s sexual organs are a biological not a voluntary condition—which tell us far more about the people using them than the person or group classified as such. And what is pertinent here is that a political program that is faith based and has local and traditional roots and tentacles is not something that CIA or US imperial meddling can simply modulate to suit its interests. Peace can only exist when there is a recognition of implacable or non-negotiable differences and a search by the different parties takes place so that common objectives might be found in some areas, and that the no-go areas be understood as such. This is what the West has done with its Middle Eastern allies, but refuses to do with Iran and Syria, both of which it absurdly portrays as more “extremist” countries that need to undergo regime change so they can join the good guys.

The US and West more generally has suffered under the massive delusion, perhaps nowhere more conspicuous than in its inane reading of the events taking place in the Arab world in 2011 as a democratic uprising of a liberal sort. In any case Syria offered opportunities for potential cooperation with Western powers because of the precarious nature of the leadership and the country’s demographics, but the West had no interest in pursuing those opportunities. Indeed it seems that the opportunities it and other supporters of the Syrian opposition happen to focus upon are energy related. More specifically gas pipeline-related. This summary from Lauren von Bernuth in 2017 is apposite:

Two competing oil pipelines vying to run through Syria. Both pipelines seek to connect the largest natural gas field in the world, located 3000 meters below the floor of the Persian Gulf, to … Europe. Qatar owns roughly two-thirds of the mineral rights to the Persian Gulf gas field and Iran owns the other one third. One pipeline starts in Qatar and runs through Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Syria, and Turkey into Europe… The other pipeline runs from Iran through Iraq and Syria and into the Mediterranean Sea…The first pipeline proposed to Assad was the Qatar pipeline and he rejected the proposal. Assad then later approved the Iranian pipeline, which was expected to be completed in 2016, but the Syrian war disrupted that. Now let’s look at the Syrian war: Russia and Iran are supporting Assad, while the U.S., Saudi Arabia and Turkey are supporting the rebels. So the Qatar pipeline was rejected by Assad and it just so happens that the countries with a vested interest in that pipeline are supporting the rebels.

But back to Baud, the US had been funding opposition groups and clandestine activities since 2005—2006 to bring down the al-Assad government:

In 2006 the US government began funding the Justice and Development Movement (JDM), an opposition organisation inside and outside Syria. Between 2006 and 2010, the US spends $6.3 million to fund Barada TV, a TV channel designed to spread anti-regime news, and another $6 million is used to train Syrian journalists and activists. Based in London, it began broadcasting messages in support of an overthrow of the regime in April 2009. It will play a key role in 2011 through its coverage of the riots at the start of the revolution and its messages designed to inflame public opinion by disseminating false information about the reaction of Syrian law enforcement agencies, relayed by the Western media.

The so-called Arab Spring was a media event, an event that was partly due to protests occurring simultaneously in the region, albeit for different objectives. Western reporters were not interested in local grievances nor the local contours of sectarian conflicts and alliances, nor the precarious balances of power and opposition that the various ruling elites in the region have to grapple with. Like bulls in a China shop, Western journalists continued to do what they have largely been trained to do: act as a cheer and jeer squad on the basis of the propaganda they picked up from their media friends, who know as little as they do, and their mostly useless education. For them it was simply a matter of cheering on what they saw as a nascent liberal world order that they would have freely adopted had it not been oppressed by homophobia, racism, cis-genderist persecution, white supremacy, anti-feminism, imperialism, and Islamophobia, and tyrannical pronouns. The difference between liberal progressive la-la-land and neo-con la-la-land has nothing to do with genuine conceptual analytics, but much rather has to do with their preferred style of imperialism. That and the respective fantasies they like to tell each other in their respective grandiosely stupid conversations about how they will make the world. In any case Obama’s Arab Spring was simply a variant of the Bush dogma that the Arabs all wanted to live in democratic states and all that needed to be done was for the people to get together and overthrow the non-democracies under which they live—cut to Thunderclap Newman singing “We just got to get it together cause the revolution‘s here” and you get a good idea of the memory bank of the mental capacity of the more stately members of the Western ruling class today.

The fabricators of this nonsense were the kind of people who simply could not understand how difficult it is to keep peace in lands where sectarian differences affect almost every area of life, which is also why the political powers of the region would be either monarchs, or military dictators, and that eliminating strong men like Saddam Hussein or Muammar Gaddafi would not open up more liberal, let alone more stable regimes with the people all merrily singing “We are the World.” Had the US had its way, Assad, would have had a fate similar to Gaddafi, and Syria would have come out of it like Libya. Surprise, surprise, Assad did not like that particular script. In any case, Libyan rebels linked up with Syrian rebels to fuel a civil war, in which the rebels mainly consisted of foreigners—which is to say it was a funny kind of civil war.

Although the Western media were spinning stories which would make Assad’s government seem like a total hell-hole—Baud compares the response of the Syrian government to ongoing Kurdish demonstrations between 2005 and 2009 to that of French authorities to the Yellow Vests in France—and while there were sectarian discontents with historical roots going back at least siege of the city of Hamah in 1982—where thousands, estimates range from five to forty thousand—died, which were preceded by the events involving the Muslim Brotherhood revolt in the 1970s—the protests against Assad were never going to bring down the Assad government. There was discontent but not insurrection—though to appreciate this differentiates requires the reader not to have accepted the super-updated definition of an insurrection as whatever journalists and the uni-party say it is. Moreover, the army which was predominantly Sunni was mostly loyal to Assad. That the dissident faction in the Syrian Army were mainly Muslim Brotherhood is part of the reason why the US had rebranded the Muslim Brotherhood as moderate. And while the Assad government is Ba’athist and a carry-over from the Arab nationalism of the mid 20th century, its constitution is not strictly secular, its head of state must be a Muslim, and it incorporates elements of Islamic law into its judicial system.

Assad himself is urbane and sophisticated (as is his well-educated wife), and I mean urbane in the best sense—a doctor by training, who has only been turned into a tyrant by a media happy to villainize anyone they are paid to. But he has had to work with the social values and priorities that operate in Syria. Given the forces his government has had to balance, that there would be discontentment is inevitable. But the fact is that some 70% of the Syrian Population (according to independent surveys recognized by NATO!) support Assad.

In the West the media misrepresents the scale of discontent by passing off fabricated examples. Thus, for example, a massacre of 260 civilians was reported to have occurred in Homs—but that number seems to have no definitive basis—and by the time the BBC reported it that number had become 55 deaths. Some people definitely died. But who were they, and who killed them? Baud points out that it is most likely that the dead were pro-government Christians killed by anti-government militia.

Another piece of news fakery was in 2012 when a BBC journalist tweeted that the Syrian air force was bombing civilians in East Aleppo with Russian “MiGs.” Except—the planes were not MiGs, but Su-24s or Aero L-39s which don’t carry bombs. And, and in any case, civilians were not bombed. Yet another false massacre report was in Al-Houla. And as in the previous example from Homs, the numbers shift around, so that as one zooms in on the facts they seem to evaporate, or turn into their opposite. Franceinfo repeated information about this massacre from the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, a highfalutin name for a Sunni Islamist opponent of the Syrian regime operating out of a London flat who is on the Saudi and Qatari pay roll (interesting isn’t it what alliances take place between enemies when money is involved). But, says Baud: “we see practically nothing: no place, no person, no weapon or date is identified. Eventually a journalist from Germany’s FAZ discovered that there were people killed in Al-Houla, and they were Shia converts, who had been knifed, not killed by heavy weapons, which suggests that it was not the Syrian army but opposition rebels. That there is the problem of reliability about the numbers of victims in the conflict, as well as who the victims really are, owes much to the fact that most of the information about the conflict comes from this guy in the London flat.

Of all the whoppers told in the Western press and governments about Syria, the biggest would have to be that Islamic State was somehow the creation of al-Assad. Anyone who knows anything about Assad and Islamic State would know just how crazy this is, but that was what the French Minister of Foreign Affairs was saying in 2014, and it was an idea repeated by the French philosopher Bernard-Henry Lévy, who has become a leading philosophical apologist for the US/ European imperial axis. This particular conspiracy theory ignores the most salient and disturbing fact that Western alliance of the French, British, and French and the Turkish governments and special services have, commencing with Muslim Brotherhood and Libyans mentioned above, armed and trained Islamists in their war against Syria, and that:

The militarisation of the Syrian revolution by the West forced the government to concentrate its forces in the west of the country. The result was a security vacuum in the east, which allowed the joining of Iraqi and Syrian Islamist forces, and the transformation of the ‘Islamic State in Iraq’ into the ‘Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant’. A dynamic map of the Syrian war shows that the Islamic State has grown from Iraq and the Turkish border and has established itself on Syrian territory in the wake of armed groups, such as the Free Syrian Army (FSA), supported by France and the United States.

Finally, while Baud’s analysis of what has occurred in Syria contains far more examples, I will conclude his discussion of Syria (and he has much, much more to say) with his discussion the white helmets, a topic that the journalist Vanessa Beeley has also covered in detail. The white helmets have a received a lot of press coverage, and they are presented as angels in human form. They were nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize in 2016. But given that Barack Obama, whose main claim to fame was being a black man who was the President, (lesser know was that he presided over some ten times more drone strikes than George Bush Jr.) , and that Henry Kissinger, who had been the brains behind the secret war in Cambodia that opened the way for the Khmer Rouge to take over the country, have won this prize founded by the inventor of dynamite, one might be wise to be a tad sceptical about just how peaceful they really are. Baud is sceptical:

In reality, the White Helmets only operate in areas hostile to the Syrian government and in the hands of Jabhat al-Nosrah. Numerous videos show some of its members participating in the beheading of little Abdullah Issa by militants of the Nur al-Din al-Zinki Movement, or with weapons and an Islamist flag in hand. British journalist Vanessa Beeley posted videos on YouTube showing White Helmets participating in the making of the ‘Mortars of Hell’, which project ‘barrel bombs’. Just after the recapture of East Aleppo, the young French development worker Pierre le Corf visited the White Helmets’ headquarters and noted the collusion with Jabhat al-Nosrah. This does not prevent Agnès Levallois, on France 5, from underlining the “quite remarkable” character of the organisation… which will be allied with Turkey during its October 2019 offensive against the Syrian Kurds!

In addition the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had to report to parliament in 2018 that the one and half million Euros that had been given in aid to the White Helmets “was not traceable in the field and was likely to have been used to acquire weapons.”

What Baud’s book shows over and over—and with far more examples than I can recount here—is not only how absolutely unreliable the Western media is as a source of reliable information about the world events that appear in the daily news, but how time and time again it is simply a means of mis- or dis-informing the public about the truth. The process of disinformation has one overall objective—to create broad base support for military and intelligence interventions that serve the larger game plan of the US/ European imperial alliance. Were the players not such a bunch of duds and sad-sacks, who think they are super educated and have fine tastes in all the stuff they can get their mits on, were the outcomes ones in which the world was more peaceable and a better place because tyrants were now no longer amongst us, instead of a place where the Western Axis of evil tyrannically presides over its own internal chaos and spreads even more chaos to regions already caught up in their own conflicts, then one might wish to ignore books like Baud’s.

But all of the events discussed in Baud’s books are part of the long trail, which to be sure goes back much further than the end of the Cold War, but at least in the Cold War, the Soviets were an imperial power that were even worse on so many fronts than the US/ Western imperium—I know that could be debated, but I think the numbers stack up that way. But that is now irrelevant. For the US/ Western alliance was completely unprepared for what it would do after the Cold War ended, except more of the same. So they decided to keep on targeting Russia, adopting the narrative that it was just like the USSR, except there was a massive pile of wealth to be made.

It certainly did not take long for the US con-men to make their way into Russia and join in the asset stripping operation. Nor did it take long for US intelligence to try and destroy the more stable post-Yeltsin government that Putin was creating amidst a war, and terrorists bombing civilians, and organized criminals seizing the nation’s energy and commanding the information flow, after moving on from the more mundane operation of taking people’s apartments at gun point. Instead of the victor of the Cold War building a peace, it simply proceeded to build more wars.

3. Baud’s Operation Z And What the Mainstream Media Never Told You

Baud’s Governing by Fake News presents an excellent case of the diabolical fabrications and calculations that have step by step led to where we are today. And that is to a global war, partly concealed by the fact it is a proxy war. His Governing by Fake News goes into many of the details leading to the war, but his Operation Z provides a comprehensive account of the events leading to the war, as well as what has been occurring since it broke out. I will simply focus upon some of the key points that Baud relates which clarifies how Ukraine has split the way it has. Russia’s “Operation Z “is in response to a civil war on its border. It is the response of a government to persecuted Ukrainians who identity with their Russian roots, who do not want to be subjected to the rule and persecution of the Kiev government, and who when given a chance have chosen to join the Russian Federation. Were Kiev to allow the de facto now also de jure, from Russia’s perspective, boundaries of Ukraine to be redrawn, and to cease being a proxy member of NATO which is funding and helping conduct this proxy war, the war could end immediately. The reason it does not is no mystery. The American/ European Union Alliance wants regime change in Russia.

Baud commences with the emotional and cultural level of perception. Everybody I talk to who has a small teaspoon worth of facts and a belly full of bile with which to make their pronouncements about the war in Ukraine and Putin—“That animal!” exclaimed a recent visitor to my house—seems oblivious to the fact that their response is extremely emotional, that it is based upon images and ‘talking points’ that are part of a larger information war against Russia. The British empire has been at war with Russia since long before the USSR existed, and the British government continues to do all in its power to ensure the entire population accept its version of what the conflict is about and who is to blame.

The USA is a relative new-comer to imperial politics, though Woodrow Wilson thought it wise to dispatch some seven thousand troops to Siberia to contain the Bolsheviks, stave off Japanese expansionism, and help the Czech legion caught up in the civil war. It was also part of the larger liberal imperial vision pushed by Wilson which left a leading place for the USA as a harbinger of a new world order. The other members of NATO all have their reasons for aligning themselves with the US/ European imperial axis. But Baud also rightly identifies the fact a number of significant Western leaders “have a family history” which gives them a dog in the fight. They include Chrystia Freeland, the Canadian Foreign Minister, the current President of the EU Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, the German chancellor, Olaf Scholz, the US Secretary of State, Anthony Blinken, and US Under Secretary of State, Victoria Nuland. That is quite an astonishing group of people given the power they wield.

Baud says their political action “is guided more by emotion and ideology than by reflection,” and once again he announces his faith in the power of reason, at the juncture where the only reason we see is the reason of power politics, and heritage. It would be astonishing if this were sheer coincidence that the most important Western and European leaders—and let’s not forget Hunter and, Joe’s Ukrainian connections, which to be sure are more to do with veins of money than blood—all identify with a national heritage and identity which is defined by its denial and persecution of the Russian heritage, identity and language, of those who also have been born into the same land. Though none of these people grew up there, and none of them will die for the cause they have weaponized. That cause is not simply an independent Ukraine, but a Ukraine which is weaponised against Russia, and committed to breaking up the Russian federation. Baud quotes former director of the CIA, Robert Gates’s, recollection that Dick Cheney in 1991 wanted the Soviet collapse to be an occasion for the dismemberment not only of the Russian empire but itself. Moreover, the dissolution of the Soviet Union was accompanied with promises that there would be no NATO expansion Eastward. This has been a point repeatedly made by Russia, and it was confirmed by Robert Gates (Assistant to the President and Deputy National Security Adviser from 1989-1991) in 2000—now, of course, denied by Western propagandists.

There was also the problem of minority rights for ethnic Russians in former Soviet countries such as Georgia, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and of course Ukraine. It is precisely because of the Russian ethnic minorities in these countries and their mistreatment that these countries are fearful of Russian invasion. The fears are strongly enough felt. But Baud rightly points out that while it suits Western interests to publicly condemn China’s treatments of the Uighurs, allies who persecute Russians are not chastised. And it was the extent of that persecution—not just cultural attacks, but threats and acts of ethnic cleansing—that would lead to the separatist regions in the Donbas. This was all in the penumbra and aftermath of the Maidan of 2014 that so misleadingly reported in the West, as if almost the entire country supported ousting a legitimately elected president because he did not want to proceed with moving unequivocally to closer ties with the EU.

While it is understandable why Western urban Ukrainians were not happy with the decision of a President most of them did not want, a sympathetic understanding of the complexity of the political demography of Ukrainian society played no part in either Western interference or reportage. Isolated voices of formerly respected journalist Robert Parry and Soviet specialist Stephen Cohen were simply smothered or denounced by the mainstream pushing ahead with its blatant disregard of any facts that told a more complex story than one that could be supported by photo-ops of (nefarious) members of the Ukrainian resistance with John McCain and Victoria Nuland. The role of Ultra-nationalists and the foreign volunteers who joined in the attack upon the ethnically impure to build a more racially pure Europe was also not part of any official story. To be sure this was not the swamp out of which Zelensky arose—his was the private-media oligarchically built swamp.

In discussing the ultra-ethnic nationalists and neo-Nazis Baud introduces nuances which give a clearer picture of the sentiments of Ukrainian nationalists of today and of yesterday, and the mass murder of Jews that Ukrainian national hero Stepan Bandera engaged in. He points out:

The apparent ambiguity about the collaboration between Ukrainian nationalists and the Third Reich—especially in the massacre of Jewish civilians in the Ukraine—is probably explained by the fact that our view emphasises the Jewish character of the victims, whereas the Ukrainians of the time saw them as partisans who threatened the German rear in areas with a largely Jewish population. All this does not detract from the criminal nature of these organised massacres, but it could explain that they were not dictated by anti-Semitism, but by the desire for reprisals. This is not much better, but it explains the logic. In other words, there is a difference between Ukrainian militants and the Nazis of the Third Reich. This is reflected in the names “neo-Nazis” or “Ukrainian-Nazis.”

But anti-Semitism runs deep amongst Ukrainian nationalists, and there are reasons for it, which are closely bound up with the hatred felt toward the Soviet Union:

The “founding” element of Ukrainian antisemitism is the “Holodomor” (holod: hunger; mor: plague). It is believed to have caused between 4 million and 7 million deaths in 1932-33 and is considered in Ukraine to be genocide, often compared to the Jewish ‘holocaust’. Despite its magnitude, which makes it perhaps the largest massacre in history, it remains largely ignored in the West, and its character as ‘genocide’ is disputed, in part to challenge the presence of antisemitism in Ukraine. Whatever the reality, the over-representation of Jews in the Communist Party leadership and among the NKVD cadres has left the Ukrainian imagination with the feeling that they orchestrated the Holodomor. The result is a deep-seated hatred that targets both the Moscow leadership and the Jews. In 2021, the Jerusalem Post reported that the Ukrainian far right was demanding an apology from Israel for the Holodomor and the crimes of communism. Today, although not a ‘doctrine’, violent antisemitism is growing alarmingly in Ukraine.

I will not repeat points I have made in other essays in this magazine about the war about Azov and other ultra-right militias in Ukraine and their role in the larger political machinations in Ukraine which have led to the persecutions of those who ethnically identify with Russia and not with the post 2014 Ukraine, whose first legislative act was “the abolition of 2012 Kivalov-Kolesnichenko law, which established the Russian language as an official language on a par with Ukrainian.” This sparked off the rebellions in the South, which led the government to respond by sending in troops, which in turn generated the formation of a separatist political movement needing to militarise itself against the attacks directed at them. As Baud notes:

The army was largely composed of Russian speakers, who were torn between their duty as soldiers and their loyalty to their community, whose demands they shared. The repression of the demonstrations was not carried out willingly by the soldiers, who then tried to escape recruitment, committed suicide at the front or deserted to the rebels. The task of the armed forces is virtually impossible. Moreover, the Ukrainian army, which has been made up of professionals since 2013, does not have enough manpower to respond to the situation. It is undermined by the corruption of its cadres and no longer enjoys the support of the population. According to a British Home Office report, during the March-April 2014 recall of reservists, 70% did not show up for the first session, 80% for the second, 90% for the third and 95% for the fourth. On 1 May 2014, the new government ordered the conscription of young people between the ages of 18 and 25 in all parts of the country, including the southern regions. Desertions to the rebel regions are becoming increasingly common. The problem became so serious that the Ukrainian parliament passed a law allowing officers to use their weapons against their men if they tried to desert. In October-November 2017, 70% of conscripts did not show up for the “Autumn 2017” recall campaign. This is without counting suicides and desertions (often to the benefit of autonomists), which reach up to 30% of the workforce in the ATO area. Young Ukrainians refuse to fight in the Donbass and prefer to emigrate, thus contributing to the country’s demographic deficit.

The vacuum created in the army by a combination of the refusal to fight one’s ethnic kin, desertion, and suicide opened the way for formally incorporating the ultra-nationalist and neo-Nazi militias into the government forces. But those forces had played a crucial part in the Maidan, and they were not going to simply vanish into the background because the electorate wanted less tattooed, and fiercely pugnacious looking politicians. The Maidan had also opened the country to far right foreign volunteers seeing this conflict as an opportunity to build a racially pure white land not sullied by Slav, or Muslim bloodlines. There were also Russian orthodox and Serbian nationalists fighting alongside the republican separatists. The Western Press would happily note the presence of the latter, whilst, with the occasional exception, ignoring the explosion of neo-Nazi and ultra-nationalist militias, beating up and killing Russo-centric-phile Ukrainians. The new government were happy enough for these thugs to go about their business as it concerned himself with a socio-economic and political lunge Westward accompanied by its punitive actions against those in the South/ East who were reacting to being treated as second class “citizens.” Though the Western press completely ignored this. Hence when Putin made eliminating the Nazi element in Ukrainians an objective of “Operation Z,” it was greeted with a combination of incredulity and derision by journalists who had got up to speed by reading intel briefs and each other’s propaganda.

There would be some 14000 victims in the war waged by Ukraine in the Donbass from 2014. Baud notes that UN reports 80% of civilian casualties came from Ukrainian strikes, and in the period from October 1 to March 30 2020 almost 85% of civilian casualties were from Ukrainian artillery shelling. The Western media also largely ignored all of this, and went with the story that all of a sudden Vladimir Putin woke up and decided to invade a peaceful freedom loving people led by a wise man so talented he once played piano on tv with his balls. (Ok they mainly kept silent about that particular skill-set that had been witnessed by everyone with a tv in Ukraine.)

The one story about the Donbas that Western media had been running with was a complete fabrication. It had involved disinformation being spread in a resolution by the European Union Parliament relaying unverified reports from Polish intelligence sources referring to “direct military intervention,” ceasefire violations “mainly by regular Russian troops” and claims that Russia has “increased its military presence on Ukrainian territory.” The Ukrainian Prime Minister Poroshenko would claim in the following year that Russia had sent 200,000 troops to Ukraine. A few months later he would claim to the UN General assembly that Ukrainians were having to fight heavily armed Russian soldiers. There were, so he said, some 75 Russian military units operating in Ukraine. Poroshenko’s reputation as an inveterate liar as well as a crook mattered little to those wanting to spread these stories, even though in the same time span other Ukrainian officials including the head of the Ukrainian General Staff and the head of the Security Service found no evidence to support these claims. It was true that some 50 or so young Russians had been captured who had come to fight in the Donbas.

In 2018 Alexander Hug, Deputy Head of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Observer Mission concede that OSCE has made no observations confirming the presence of Russian troops in Ukraine.

Another story that went under the radar was the role of the West in pushing for reconquering the autonomous republics through economic incentives. As Baud notes:

In May 2014, the International Monetary Fund warned Ukraine that it would not get its $17 billion loan if it did not regain control of the east of the country: If the central government loses effective control of the East, the programme will have to be rethought. This is what is pushing Kiev to relaunch its offensive against the Donbass. Ukraine receives a first tranche just after the events in Odessa. There is therefore international pressure to push Ukraine to re-establish its sovereignty over the entire territory.
From the initial coup which had been abled and abetted by the CIA and US government officials to the civil war encouraged by IMF pressure, to the lies about Russian troops occupying the Donbas back in 2014 the fabrications surrounding the US all conspire to build the case of Russian aggression. The great value of Baud’s book is that it provides a one stop shop for refuting these lies. And it is particularly good at debunking the big lie which, to the mis-and dis-informed imbibers of fake news, is the definitive proof of Russia’s long term plot for Ukrainian conquest. The big lie, of course, is that Russia conquered Crimea, and Crimea now suffers under the Russian jackboot, which is why acts of Ukrainian sabotage in Crimea are treated as acts of liberation, the likes of which take us back to the French resistance in occupied Paris.

Baud’s debunking of the Crimea lies start with UN Resolution 68/262 which declared the annexation of Crimea to be illegal. The Resolution took its “legal” point of departure from the Budapest Treaty of 1994 guaranteeing the territorial integrity of Ukraine, which thus renders invalid the Crimean referendum in 2014 that overwhelmingly voted to join the Russian Federation, so it could be relieved from Ukrainian ethnic-nationalist persecution.

The first problem with US Resolution 68/262 is that it ignores the fact that Crimeans had on a number of previous occasions expressed their desire to be ruled by Moscow. Baud also points out that the initial transfer of Crimea to Ukraine in 1954 had no legal basis: it had not been approved by the Supreme Soviet of the USST, the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Republic or the Supreme Soviet Republic of the Republic of Ukraine. Like so much else to do with the war, the mismatch between a war that is supposed to be a water tight case of legal violation, and the lack of a legal basis for Ukrainian possession of Crimea is something that has never been discussed, as far as I know, in the Western media. The transference was an act of fiat by the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, i.e. its transfer was a dictatorial decree by Khrushchev. The irony that the great defenders of democracy against a(n elected) Russian President with a support rating (confirmed by independent sources) far surpassing any Western leader appeal to an act by a (non-elected) Soviet President who was a dictator that had neither the modicum of constitutional support that existed in the USSR nor popular support from a people who had never identified as Ukrainian is only matched by the same people who accuse all their enemies, including Trump and Putin, of being just like Hitler. But what should one expect from people defending a regime which has used, and gone along with the butchery of neo-Nazis against their ethnic enemies? How anyone outside the West can believe anything anymore the West says would be a mystery were it not for the fact that—with very few exceptions—they don’t.

As the Soviet Union was on the verge of collapse, the people of Crimea were asked in a referendum in 1991, whether they wanted to be administered by Moscow or stay with Kiev, 93.6% went with Moscow. Only people who ignore Crimea’s history would be surprised by this fact. That referendum led to the brief restoration of the Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic of Crimea, and this was essentially ratified by Ukraine who also voted in a referendum for the continuation of the USSR in 1991. The Donbas, by the way, is politically conspicuous by its lingering pro-Soviet sentiments. Some months later—in December 1991—Ukrainians held a referendum for independence from the Soviet Union, and in February of the next year the Crimean parliament declared its independence. Some two years later, in December 1994, Ukraine did a deal with Russia—it would surrender its nuclear weapons from its Soviet days in exchange for “security, independence and territorial integrity.”

At this stage, though, Crimea no longer considered itself legally a part of Ukraine. To emphasise the point: this was even prior to the persecution that led to the referendum after the Maidan. In the 1990s, in the eyes of the people of Crimea, it was not the Russians but the Ukrainians who had acted aggressively and illegally. That was in March 1995 when the Ukrainian government “abolished the Crimean constitution by authority, sent in its special forces to forcibly remove Yuri Mechkov, president of Crimea, and de facto annexed the Republic of Crimea.” The response in Crimea was to create another constitution reinstating the Autonomous Republic of Crimea. Wanting to placate the situation, after it was ratified by the Crimean parliament, it was confirmed by the Ukrainian Parliament in December 1998.

Ukraine had also signed a guarantee offering protection “of the ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious originality of national minorities on their territories.” After the coup and the repealing of the law on official languages, the Kiev regime had destroyed all semblance of having any legitimate claims over what the people of Crimea could not do. None of these intricacies were widely, if ever, reported in the West when Crimeans voted to become part of the Russian federation. Nor were the large scale demonstrations taking place in Crimea that mirrored what was going on in the Donbas, in response to the abolition of the Official Languages Act, given much cover by the Western press. As was also the case in the Donbas the solution of sending in armed forces to quell the protests triggered mass disobedience in the ranks of the Ukrainian army—some 20,000 out of 22,000 military personnel (and the majority of the army in Crimea identified as Russian). There were also mass defections among the police. Had this been in Venezuela the media would have been swarming the place. But information fakery and brainwashing are as much acts of omission as well as commission.

Those journalists who went on the ground to report the events taking place in Crimea and the Donbas are now all viewed as Putin stooges, traitors and criminals in the West, and are on Ukrainian kill lists. Gonzalo Lire was arrested (for the second time) a month or so ago and no more has been heard of him. Some have had their assets frozen. Such is the free world today. And the freedom is as fake as it is precarious.

The Western project is now as fake as the news it supplies about the war, and the war is conducted purely along the lines of fake moral principles. A fake war hero leading a fake democracy is fawned over by celebrities oozing fake care and fake morals all holding fake beliefs picked up from fake news cobbled together by fakes posing as journalists. The weapons are real and so are the bodies though the public is smothered in fake news, and endless jabber and talking points and descriptions of how the war is going—Putin is dying, is dead, is a hologram already, and Russia has lost and just keeps losing more and more each day—Russia is completely broke—and the sooner it wakes up to itself and accepts its own demise then the world will live as one, just like John Lennon’s ditty predicted. Meanwhile the US/ European hegemonic world order is as dedicated to stupefying the human race as it is a neo-feudal order in which every aspect of life is to be calculated and controlled. Sure the leaders of this ghastly future are a bunch of brainless fakes—their masters are cunning and have real wealth, but their souls are hollow and the world they are making is one vast fakedom. But anyone who says this is a conspiracy theorist spreading disinformation.

There are many reasons why the West now stands for what it stands for. The destruction of its cultural roots is one large part of the story. In the final part of this essay I will explore the role played in the philosophical attack upon Christian culture as it helped lay the basis for the kind of technocratic dehumanised world we have become.

Read Part 1 and Part 3.


Wayne Cristaudo is a philosopher, author, and educator, who has published over a dozen booksHe also doubles up as a singer songwriter. His latest album can be found here.


Featured: Mujer saliendo del psicoanalista (“Woman Leaving the Psychoanalyst”), by Remedios Varo; painted in 1960.


Ward 7: Psychological Portraits of the G7 International Club Leaders

The American Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, third edition (DSM-III) uses the term “neurotic” in the title of the section (group) of mental disorders: “Neurotic, Stress-Related, and Somatoform Disorders.” That is, we can argue that neurotic = related to the psyche, and not necessarily as a deviation from the norm. As confirmation we can quote from Randolph Nesse’s Good Reasons for Bad Feelings: “Like sweating, shivering, fever, and pain, capacities for fear, anger, joy, and jealousy are useful in certain situations… First, symptoms such as anxiety and sadness are, like sweating and coughing, not rare changes that occur in a few people at unpredictable times; they are consistent responses that occur in nearly everyone in certain situations. Second, the expression of emotions is regulated by mechanisms that turn them on in specific situations; such control systems can evolve only for traits that influence fitness. Third, absence of a response can be harmful; inadequate coughing can make pneumonia fatal, inadequate fear of heights makes falls more likely. Finally, some symptoms benefit an individual’s genes, despite substantial costs to the individual.”

Defense mechanism (psychological defense (neuropsychosis)—A concept of depth psychology that refers to an unconscious mental process aimed at minimizing negative experiences. Protective mechanisms underlie resistance processes. The term was first introduced by Freud in 1894 in The Neuro-Psychosis of Defence, and was used in a number of his later works to describe the struggle of the self against painful or intolerable thoughts and affects.

It is worth noting that there is no universally accepted classification of mental defense mechanisms, although many authors have published their own views. The main complaints about most classifications are either lack of completeness (the critic does not find an important mental process in the classification that he or she classifies as protective), or excessive completeness (the critic finds many mental processes in the classification that he or she does not classify as protective or does not identify as independent processes at all). To all appearances, it is connected with the fact that minimization of negative experiences is in general a natural need of any living organism (in particular, a human being), and with some assumption any mental process can be recognized as aimed at achieving this goal. The necessity of singling out separate protective mechanisms is connected with the practical need of psychologists to single out and describe the most universal of unconscious protective processes.

Most modern psychologists recognize a certain set of defense mechanisms, the names of which have become almost universal.

Protective mechanisms are usually divided into levels (from two to four), but there is still no consensus on the principles of this division and on where to include which defense. The following analysis in this article is based on the classification described in the book by Nancy McWilliams, who identifies four levels of defense mechanisms according to how “primitive” they are, depending on how much their use prevents a person from adequately perceiving reality. In her opinion, “The person using a defense is generally trying unconsciously to accomplish one or both of the following: (1) the avoidance or management of some powerful, threatening feeling, usually anxiety but sometimes overwhelming grief, shame, envy, and other disorganizing emotional experiences; and (2) the maintenance of self-esteem.”

Level 1 “pathological,” includes: delusional projection; denial; distortion.

Level 2 “immature,” includes: acting out; hypochondria; passive-aggressive behavior; projection; schizoid fantasies; cleavage.

Level 3 “neurotic,” includes: displacement; dissociation; intellectualization; isolation of affect; reaction formation; repression.

Level 4 “mature,” includes: altruism; anticipation; humor; sublimation; repression.

So, according to McWilliams’ classification, we can distinguish two groups of defense mechanisms, where the first will have a destructive effect on the person, and the second group is constructive.

Destructive impulses of the psyche that do not lead to rational perception and comprehension, but only seem to do so: dissociation, introjection, denial, defensive fantasy and primitive idealization, as well as split ego, annulment, displacement, displacement, disregard, moralization and separate thinking.

A Lie gets Halfway around the World before the Truth has a Chance to Put on its Pants

As far as the communicant-communicator relationship is concerned, almost all of the defense mechanisms fall into the group of destructive influence in the context of the perception of media information. Why is this so? It is natural for a person to believe the information, which he/she believes to be stated by an authoritative source or one of the key media; therefore, a person practically never thinks about the truthfulness of the information and does not reflect upon it. In most cases a person usually does not verify the information he receives from other sources, but fully trusts the direct message received in person (audibly, visually); and the psyche, seeing the immediate danger, either allows identification with another person or group of people, or allows inclusion of elements of the external world into his personality, perceiving them as part of his Ego. However, this is a destructive defense, unable to withstand prolonged distress, or capable of suppressing the intellectual functions of the personality.

To the constructive group of the influence of defensive mechanisms, when receiving information, we can include only a few of the above, namely, isolation of affect, acting out, rationalization, reversion, and reaction formation.

Based on defense mechanisms, manipulation and sophisticated lies often take place from people whose true thoughts and intentions remain secret, and psychiatrists and profilers often agree in discussions about their false and true selves. But is it possible to predict what to expect from a person and how he or she feels about what is going on if, for example, he or she holds an executive position? To do this we must look at the origins of not only the beginning of his career, but also in general the formation of him as a person. In this article we will consider the psychological portraits of the leaders of the Big Seven (G7): USA, Germany, France, Great Britain, Italy, Canada, and Japan.

In Whose Hands is America?

Joe Biden was born on November 20, 1942, in Scranton, Pennsylvania. Growing up in Scranton and New Castle, Delaware, he attended the University of Delaware and received his law degree from Syracuse University in 1968. Joe Biden’s paternal great-great-grandfather, William Biden, was born in Sussex County, England, from where he emigrated to the United States. His maternal great-grandfather, Edward Francis Blewitt, was a member of the Pennsylvania Senate.

He was elected to the New Castle County Council in 1970, and a year later, at age 29, was elected to the U.S. Senate from Delaware. Biden had a severe stutter as a child, but his speech improved as he “turned three decades old,” building his ideal image/picture as a politician.

In 1973, Joseph Biden became the youngest senator in U.S. history, taking office at age 30. Less than half a century later, Biden became the nation’s oldest president in U.S. history.

Biden took the oath of office at the hospital where his children were staying after a terrible tragedy—Biden’s first wife, Neilia, and his one-year-old daughter, Naomi, were killed in a car crash, with only his sons Hunter and Beau surviving. Biden initially wanted to refuse to take the oath of office, arguing that if there was a dispute between being a good senator and a good father, he would choose the latter, since his children had no other father. So, Joseph gave the ultimatum that he would only take the oath of office at the hospital to be closer to his children. On the one hand, a rather eloquent act by a good father who did not want to leave his children in a difficult time, on the other hand, a promising politician who wants to serve the country, even at a critical moment in his life. However, if you watch the video of his oath [The Biden’s oath, 1973, PBS NewsHour] you will notice that it was filmed in a movie pavilion, not in a hospital room (many extras, cameramen with cameras and lighting directors)—that is, Biden literally danced on the graves of his recently occurred tragedy.

Here one can notice the desire to serve and to add weight to his own persona, as a high moral, and clearly aware of his priorities. Biden was often accused of being insensitive and rigid, so the tragedy played into his hands. In the swearing-in video, which was filmed two days after the car crash, Biden does not look grief-stricken, which can be seen as:

a) complete detachment from the situation and its blocking (a protective reaction of the psyche to strong shocks);

b) a defensive reaction, which in profiling is commonly referred to as the thrill of deception (when a person’s lies, first of all, their nonverbal manifestations are mistaken for the truth).

However, even such a performance did not contribute to a resounding success. A couple of years later in 1978, Biden was forced to withdraw his candidacy because of accusations of plagiarism in his campaign speech.

Biden was a longtime member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and also served as its chairman. He opposed the 1991 Gulf War, and supported NATO’s expansion into Eastern Europe and NATO’s involvement in the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s, and the U.S. invasion of Iraq.

However, if we go back to Biden’s personality, we note an almost constant contradiction in his verbal and nonverbal language. It is most often expressed in those moments when Joe Biden is either trying to lie convincingly or answer uncomfortable questions. In one interview, for example, where he talks about meeting his second wife, Jill, Biden makes a sharp chopping gesture with his hands almost the entire time, as if to cut himself off from what he is saying, with his body in tension and his answer often accompanied by a deep sigh. Although Joe and Jill tell a rather romantic tale of their meeting, Jill’s first husband talks about how she cheated on him with Biden, who was his friend, and he told him right to his face that he still remembers Neilia. In this regard, it is reasonable to argue that this chopping hand gesture is deception and detachment.

Also, one of Biden’s frequent gestures, which has a relatively negative meaning, is the scrolling of a circle silhouette in the air with his hand or finger, as if visually repeating everything he says, and convincing of the reality and truthfulness of his words. That is, in media space, Biden is creating a new pseudo-reality of a “good hero” that the American public is sure to believe.

Not to mention Biden’s drug policy of the 1990s and his son Hunter’s world-famous addiction. Biden gave an impassioned speech on the Senate floor in support of stiffer penalties for drug trafficking and possession, but at the same time his son Hunter was never convicted of clearly over the legal limit of white powder possession. What is this: a lie from the podium in the name of saving his son, or another mask that Biden changes with enviable regularity? If you follow the logic, Biden should have sent Hunter to jail to keep his reputation on track and prove his words in action. After all, his image as a manager and his policy line were built primarily on a religious family, on family values and proper parenting. And, as you can see, with each of these points Joe Biden failed. In addition, Hunter only hyperbolized the problems within the family, taking them to the world level.

Also, don’t forget the story of Biden’s daughter Ashley’s diary, where she wrote, “I’ve always been turned on by guys. Hyper-obsessed from a young age. I remember being sexually attracted to one of our family members. I remember having sex with friends in my early teens, showering with my dad, which is probably not allowed… Was I molested? I think so. Was I abused? I think so… I don’t remember the details, but I remember the pain. At a young age I showered with my father. Perhaps it was inappropriate.” In 2009, a friend of Ashley Biden tried to sell a $2 million video to The New York Post in which Ashley allegedly used cocaine at a party. Negotiations brought the price down to $400,000, but the tabloid rejected the offer, opting instead to publish a story about the alleged video. After The New York Post published the story, it emerged that Ashley had previously been arrested for marijuana possession in 1999 in New Orleans, but the charges were dropped and she was released.

But going back to the psychological portrait, we can note that over the years, Biden himself has believed all the lies he has been telling to the people for years. Here we can also note the so-called “mythomania” and the propensity for pathological lying. Although the term “pathological liar” is not used in clinical diagnosis, most psychiatrists believe that this type of personality is either the result of mental illness or low self-esteem. Lying is the intentional and deliberate or not deliberate provision of false information; but common lies are defensive in nature and are used to avoid the consequences of the truth, while pathological lying can be described as a habituation to lying; and a situation in which one lies constantly, without personal gain, is considered pathological.

It may also be noted that Biden has recently been noted to have pathological phantasm, a memory disorder in which events that a person has invented or imagined seem to him to have actually occurred.

And if we classify more specifically, we can note in his speech and behavior paralytic phantasms. They arise against a background of dementia, euphoria and are often a part of paralytic delusions of grandeur. Close in clinical manifestations to fantasy confabulation, but differing from it in gross ridiculousness (for example, at one speech in 2022, Biden not only got lost in space when speaking in Pittsburgh, where he got confused trying to leave the stage, but also in a congratulatory message to Vice President Kamala Harris called her “the great president.” That same month, Biden declared that the U.S. has 54 states, as opposed to only 50).

Also, Biden has pathological narcissism, which has been slow enough to develop to pathological since the beginning of his career as a senator. Up until the 1990s, one could see not only embarrassment, but also a healthy insecurity about the role that Biden was playing. By the end of 2022, however, one can see how Joseph literally dedicates literally every speech to himself and his role in the world process (e.g., his speech on 02/21/2023 in Warsaw). Because of his low self-esteem, which has been, it is fair to say, regressed by stuttering, Biden has not yet gotten rid of his inner complexes; and now that he gets every recognition and affirmation of his importance, the better and more successful it is to feel as if HE is the one who can rule the WHOLE world.

A few more characteristics of Biden: hypocritical, unprincipled, cruel and totally contradictory to his public image.

Abused Liverwurst, or the Scholzomat

Olaf Scholz was born to a family of salesmen on June 14, 1958 in Osnabrück, Lower Saxony, but grew up in the Rahlstedt district of Hamburg.

Scholz’s father recalled his son as an ambitious “smart guy,” using sarcasm from childhood to appear witty, and also recalled how Olaf annoyed his brothers and spoke Latin to his teacher. “He told me when he was 12 that he wanted to be chancellor,” Gerhard Scholz says. Watching his son finally lead Berlin, he says, gave him “an invigorating sense of happiness.” At the same time, Olaf Scholz is known to have made an agreement with his brothers not to say anything at all about what happened as a child and what is happening now in their family.

Scholz joined the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), in 1975 as a high school student, where he became a member of Jusos (short for Young Socialists), the youth organization of the SPD. From 1982 to 1988 he was Deputy Federal Chairman of Jusos, and from 1987 to 1989 he was also Vice President of the International Union of Socialist Youth. During his time at Jusos, he supported the Freudenberger Kreis (the Stamokap wing of the Jusos university groups) as well as the SPW magazine; and in articles he advocated “overcoming the capitalist economy” and criticized NATO. In 1985 Scholz graduated from the University of Hamburg as a specialist in labor law.

Before Scholz became Federal Chancellor of Germany, he worked as Chairman of the SPD, the first mayor of Hamburg, Minister of Labor and Social Development, head of the Ministry of Finance, Vice-Chancellor of the government. There is even a legend in German society that the real Chancellor Scholz owes his career to Gerhard Schroeder, whom the then young Olaf openly scoffed at, at one of his meetings, saying: “It would help us a lot if you had at least a little understanding of the matter.” Despite his impertinence, Schroeder took a liking to Scholz and took him to Berlin, making him General Secretary of the party.

Scholz became one of Germany’s oldest postwar leaders. He is also one of Germany’s most static, unemotional and secretive politicians. Scholz always has everything clearly, precisely, and literally systematized in every speech, for which he even earned a nickname, designed by analogy to a robot or automated construct for communicating with the population, the “Scholzomat”: “Today is essentially Christmas and birthday all in one for you, and yet you look as euphoric as an English butler at tea time,” remarked an astonished TV interviewer to Olaf Scholz the evening after his election as mayor of Hamburg in 2011. It was a characteristic performance of the man known as “Scholzomat” for his mechanical, austere and laconic style of communication. Ten years on, Scholz’s style has not changed a bit. But in the September federal elections, the “Scholzomat” seemed to offer exactly the quality that the German public craved, in the absence of the retired Angela Merkel.

Speaking of Angela Merkel, according to biographer Lars Haider, Scholz, the Germans “chose him because he looks a lot like Angela Merkel. That was the expectation.” But while almost everything is known about Merkel, almost nothing is known about the life of the current chancellor except his income and his beloved wife Britta Ernst, to whom he has been married for 40 years. Ernst was also an opinionated and eccentric politician in her youth, but as a child she had less ambitious dreams and wanted to be an ordinary schoolteacher. One got the impression that Olaf Scholz had become an exemplary and obedient student: Always well-dressed, with his suits buttoned up, he came to the podium with texts of his speeches and hardly interacted with the public in social networks. So, on the eve of the election, he looked like an ascetic who is only interested in work. Germans appreciated this. However, thanks to the work of the image-makers, Scholz recently began to appear in public without a tie, began to communicate more on social networks, and spoke “without notes,” and tried to look livelier than a Scholzomat.

In German society, Scholz has a reputation for being secretive, nonpublic, meticulous, but also ambitious and extremely confident. But despite his ambitious goals as a child, Scholz visibly panders to the American leader and yields on most issues, sometimes even carrying out direct instructions from the American government, receiving approval from the overseas side.

Such a personality reversal is quite real for narcissistic personality disorder (NPD), when self-esteem is quite unstable, and can regress from ambitious plans to an obedient henchman. Such changes are noticeable not only in character, but also outwardly. Regarding Olaf, it can be noted that the peak of his “grandiosity” came in his youth, when he wanted to appear bigger, to occupy a wide information space and to receive confirmation of his actions; at this time, his image with puffy hair, flared pants and jackets, non-verbal gestures with an overt undertone (arms extended/elbows spread on the table/steady posture with feet at shoulder width) were typical. However, a regression of NPD can be observed now, when Scholz tries to shrink outwardly, as if to become smaller than he is; he has a bald head, and almost all non-verbal gestures are reduced to hands folded at belly level, which characterizes the feeling of discomfort of being in this or that place or position, a kind of fence from the outside world, similar to the children’s “Ollie Ollie in come free” game.

Narcissistic personality disorder is characterized by a belief in one’s own uniqueness, superiority over others, grandiosity (wanting to become chancellor, i.e., a leader of society, from age 12); an exaggerated opinion of one’s talents and accomplishments (here we can quote Scholz Sr.’s words about his son in the reference above); an absorption in fantasies about his success; an expectation of unconditional good treatment and unconditional submission from others; a seeking of admiration from others to confirm his uniqueness. Nancy McWilliams describes a person with narcissistic disorder as ” organized around maintaining their self-esteem by getting affirmation from outside themselves,” specifying that we are talking about people for whom this task overshadows all others, not just those sensitive to criticism or praise. “Preoccupied with how they appear to others, narcissistically organized people may privately feel fraudulent and loveless.” It is also pointed out that narcissistic pathology is not a normal childhood sense of grandiosity preserved into adulthood, but rather a compensation for early, and therefore profound, disappointments in relationships.

It is also worth noting that NPD often appears in people with an inferiority complex. It cannot be argued, but it can be stressed that being short, burly and clumsy, unable to fight back, and politically unaccountable, hardly added extra points to Olaf Scholz’s self-confidence. He may also have been bullied as a child or as a young man, for the real reasons, for which he hides these particular periods of his life, are not known for certain.
Regarding American-German relations, I would like to focus on the Stern magazine cartoon (“Der grosse Bruder ist zurück”—“Big Brother’s Back”) and Scholz’s non-verbal body language. In the negotiations with Joe Biden, where Olaf sat in the closed posture described above, there was one distinctive gesture that indicated Scholz’s desire to dominate and point to Biden, rather than being in a dependent position. This gesture was evident in the Chancellor’s hands: the hand with the outstretched index finger was covered by the other hand—that is, he was suppressing his desire by simply nodding his head in response and losing interest as the conversation progressed. Joseph Biden read the text on then page, without even looking in the direction of his interlocutor.

So how can we characterize the psychological profile of Olaf Scholz? He knows how to skillfully adjust not only to the party line, but also to the dominant players. Although he is not a pathological liar like Biden, Scholz often mirrors not only politics, but also gestures, facial expressions, and words of the interlocutor, in his role as a dependent player, a behavior characteristic of narcissists. Scholz also easily changes masks, as well as his interests, because he does not have his own moral and ethical attitudes to defend, so he accepts and adopts from those who give him power or a certain dominance, and for this encouragement Scholz is willing to literally mimic to achieve his goals.

Assistant Philosopher

Emmanuel Macron was born on December 21, 1977 to Jean-Michel Macron, a professor of neurology at the University of Picardy, and Françoise Macron-Nogues, a doctor. He studied at the University of Paris X-Nanterre, the Institute of Political Studies and the National School of Administration. From 1999 to 2001 he was an assistant to the philosopher Paul Ricoeur.

Macron worked as an inspector at the Ministry of Economy from 2004 to 2008. From 2007, he was deputy rapporteur for the Commission for the Improvement of French Growth, headed by Jacques Attali. He was an investment banker at Rothschild & Cie Banque, for which he was nicknamed “the financial Mozart.”

The figure of Macron of recent years is quite feasible to examine from the symbiosis of the archetype of the Magician and the King, because with all his appearance he seems to show that he is worthy of this mission—to reconcile everyone and find a compromise with everyone. This archetype worked to his advantage during his second presidential campaign in 2022: the platform presented in Aubervilliers included no less than 100 reform projects. Among them, ensuring France’s energy independence through the construction of wind farms and nuclear power plants and the self-sufficiency of national agriculture; new allocations were promised to the armed forces of the Republic, assuring that the industry could expect extensive investments (the French defense budget would increase to €50 billion by 2025); and Macron also promised that France would play a “consolidating role” in strengthening European security. If in the first presidential campaign Macron bet on an optimistic France that he could build, and thus won a larger percentage of the vote: “The genius of Macron is that he managed to transform the anger of the French into optimism… Emmanuel Macron has in his hands a fantastic instrument of power, strong both in the number of officials he elected and in the dispersion of his opponents,” noted French socialist Nicolas Beytout. Then, in the second presidential campaign, Macron bet on the self-sufficiency of the country.

I will make a contextual insertion to clarify the qualitative meaning of archetype and archetypes. Archetypes are difficult to describe, and psychologists have never come to a conclusion as to how many there are, especially since Carl Jung did not have a fixed list of archetypes, and it was constantly varying. However, the theory of 12 archetypes is considered one of the major ones. So, according to Carl Jung, the main archetypes are: persona, anima and animus, shadow and self. His famous followers Margaret Mark and Carol Pearson expanded this number to 12 archetypes: Innocent, Orphan, Warrior, Caregiver, Seeker, Revolutionary, Lover, Creator, Ruler, Magician, Sage, and Jester. It is worth noting that Pearson used the theory of archetypes in marketing, explaining how to create a brand that customers will love, even if the product is mediocre. According to Pearson, it is enough to create an attractive brand image, in which the buyer can see himself or something close to his lifestyle/worldview, for it to be popular. This theory is true not only for marketing, but also for other socially relevant areas, because archetypes help to create a brand/film/ advertisement/literary or political character that resembles people.

The Ruler is one of the older (mature) archetypes in the theory of the 12 archetypes, and is based on the Creator archetype. This archetype takes everything under its control to prevent chaos; it relies only on itself and its powers.

The Magician is one of the older (mature) archetypes in the theory of the 12 archetypes. The ultimate goal of the Magician as an archetype is the encounter with selfhood. Unlike the lower archetypes, the Magician has learned not only to create, but also to increase expediently what he has created. If the Ruler takes responsibility in the material world, the Magician can resort to the help of the invisible world (the unconscious). In the modern world, the prototypical Magicians are psychologists, psychotherapists and gurus ready to share skills and secrets of spiritual enlightenment; but one type of Magician remains unchanged at all times—charlatans (in the present time this can include online conmen).

In reality, however, it turns out that Macron has only created a magical overlay, remaining in fact an ordinary charlatan (for example, the pension reform involving an increase in the retirement age in France from 62 to 64 years, which he had firmly promised not to touch, will come into force this fall). It is worth noting how tense Macron’s body is as he announces this reform. His eyes are wide open, indicating an aggressive demeanor, and a readiness to attack in case of retaliatory aggression. Also, there is the chopping hand gesture, which was discussed above with the example of Biden, indicating a deliberate lie. Macron was hunched over and tense, so much so that he seemed ready to pick a fight if he heard criticism in return. It’s as if he was showing that it’s none of your [population’s] business to bring about reforms.

Also, the Magician archetype failed at the talks in Beijing with Xi Jinping on April 5, 2023, where Macron arrived with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, following Xi Jinping’s visit to Russia. Initially, Macron, trying to indicate his dominance, made a mistake in the greeting protocol, using a “power gesture” that is in line with the American diplomatic tradition, not the French and even less so the Chinese, where a handshake is not particularly welcome—Macron put his hand over Xi Jinping’s hand in shaking hands, and then patted him on the back. And this despite the fact that Emmanuel himself looked awkward and confused, as evidenced by his unsure, bouncing step and jumpy facial expression. Then, at the negotiating table, the pair of Macron and von der Leyen were practically seated at another table from Xi Jinping, which, of course, diminished the power and confidence of those arriving in Beijing, and drew public derision. If we turn to archetypes, we can already notice the Sage archetype in Xi Jinping’s figure upon meeting: the center of the body is forward, the gaze is slightly down on the encounter, and there is a certain permissible reticence. Macron, on the other hand, appears as the Wizard who fails.

By the way, the Magician archetype is very often superseded by his real role—the Jester. The oldest image in the world, close in age to the image of the ruler, and the last of the four senior (mature) archetypes in the theory of the 12 archetypes. In his image he combines features of all 11 archetypes analyzed before, but the Jester is a hostage of his role, dependent on the surrounding reality. The Jester has no desires or purpose, because without the surrounding reality he has nothing to do. He combines the playfulness and naivety of the Innocent, he portrays Rulers and Sages, he rebels against some events, he is two-faced as a Magician, being in the world of illusory art. In general, the Jester is always paired with another archetype, such as the Orphan (this is the image of “his own guy” that Emmanuel Macron also often tries to demonstrate to the public).

Such a pair (Jester + Orphan) can be seen again in the negotiations in Beijing, where Macron, according to contemporary rhetoric, concluded as follows: “I know I can count on you to bring Russia to its senses and bring everyone back to the negotiating table. A lasting peace must be achieved in which all internationally recognized borders are taken into account and escalation is ruled out. I think this is an important issue for China as well as for France and for all of Europe.”

It is important to note that Macron was trying to match his image in his head, and the main disappointment for him was not the achievement of any goals in the negotiations, but the discrepancy between what he had imagined in his head and what actually happened. Such castles in the air are called false expectations, and when confronted with a different reality at such times, a person becomes anxious, tense, resentful, irritated, angry, and disappointed. As a rule, all the negative emotions that swarm inside are released upon others. False expectations are a middle-ground between pathological escapism and intrusive reveries.

A Russian Emigrant?

Former British Prime Minister (2019 -2022), former Mayor of London (2008 -2016) and former British Foreign Secretary (2016 – 2018) Alexander Boris de Pfeffel Johnson was born on June 19, 1964 in New York, USA. As a child, Boris suffered from deafness and underwent several surgeries. Johnson’s parents divorced when he was 14 years old.

Johnson’s background is interesting. His great-grandfather on his father’s side, the Turkish journalist Ali Kemal, was briefly interior minister in the government of Ahmed Okday, the last grand vizier of the Ottoman Empire. In this position, he ordered the arrest of Kemal Ataturk. Later, after Ataturk came to power, Okday was executed by order of Nurredin Konyar. After that, Boris Johnson’s grandfather, Osman Ali, fled to Great Britain, where he took the name of Wilfred Johnson. The second surname “Pfeffel” goes back to the German great-grandmother, Baroness Maria-Louise von Pfeffel, who was the granddaughter of the famous chess player Arne de Rivière, great-granddaughter of Duke Paul of Wurttemberg, grand-niece of Grand Duchess Elena Pavlovna and Ernestina Pfeffel (wife of poet Fyodor Tyutchev). Boris Johnson’s maternal great-grandfather, the American paleographer Elias Avery Levy, was born in the Russian Empire in Kalvaria (Poland) to a Jewish family. Johnson is a distant descendant of King George II. He himself is named after a Russian émigré whom Johnson’s parents had met in Mexico.

Interestingly, Boris Johnson once referred to himself as a “Russophile” because of his Russian roots. In 2017, during talks with Sergei Lavrov in Moscow, he said: “Let me say that I am a Russophile, a convinced Russophile. I have ancestors in Moscow. I am convinced that I am the first British Foreign Secretary whose name is Boris and please don’t doubt that I want to improve our relations.” Here we can also note Boris’ love of languages: at one time he tried to learn Russian, but now he has switched to Ukrainian.

In the early 1970s, Boris’s father, Stanley Johnson, was one of the first commissioners of the United Europe Pollution Control Commission. Boris received his primary education at a European school in Brussels. In 1979-1984, Stanley Johnson was a member of the European Parliament. Later the family moved to Great Britain, and he continued to study at the preparatory school in East Sussex, and then at Eton. In 1983-1984, he studied at Balliol College, Oxford University. He was elected to the elite Bullingdon Club. Boris did not often attend club meetings. In 1986 he became co-chairman of the famous discussion club Oxford Union Society. His close friends include Charles Spencer, younger brother of Princess Diana, and David Cameron, leader of the Conservative Party (2005-2016).

Johnson began his career as a journalist, but even at that time was fired from The Times for lying in his story. And as Foreign Minister, he made a lot of enemies, insulting his partners with caustic comments about them. And in the midst of the Covid pandemic, in the midst of a hard lockdown, he was unable to give up his “wine Friday” party (later, these parties during the Covid epidemic became known as “partygate” and had the status of a political scandal), for which he received absolute disrespect from the public, who reminded him of all his sins. And after the start of the Special Military Operation, he was the instigator of British involvement. But despite this, Boris Johnson remains one of the most charismatic British politicians.

From Johnson’s nonverbal language, his sarcastic manner, and his flamboyant goofiness, you can tell he is symptomatic of ADHD, and the fact that his mother was treated in a psychiatric clinic for depression and the children were in boarding school during treatment only confirms the basis of this syndrome.

Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) is a behavioral and mental developmental disorder that begins in childhood. It is manifested by symptoms such as difficulty in concentrating, hyperactivity and poorly controlled impulsivity. Clinically, people with ADHD react too quickly to tasks without waiting for directions and instructions on how to perform them, and inadequately evaluate the demands of the task. As a result, they are very careless, inattentive, reckless, and frivolous. Often, they cannot predict the potentially negative, harmful or destructive (and even dangerous) consequences that may be associated with certain situations or their actions. They often expose themselves to unreasonable, unnecessary risks in order to show their courage, whims and quirks.

It is worth remembering that Johnson supported the Brexit decision only because he wrote two columns about it, with an opinion for it and an opinion against it, and the column with a positive assessment gathered more votes among readers. In fact, Boris’s antics are known without exaggeration to the whole world. Also, adults with the syndrome have a problem with organizing the space around themselves (it is enough to remember how in 2021, after losing the thread of the narrative, Boris was looking for something to hang on to in his notes, and then he started talking about Piggy Peppa and her artistic connection to Picasso) and difficulties in interpersonal relations (Johnson insulted his subordinates and called himself “the Führer” in their presence).

We can also note the pathological lying and populism that has accompanied Johnson since his job at The Times, Boris even lied to Queen Elizabeth II when he asked for a parliamentary recess to promote his Brexit deal with the EU and keep MPs out of the House of Commons—this led to a conflict between the branches of government.

What other touches can be added to Boris Johnson’s psychological portrait? Boris’ idol is Winston Churchill, who was not only a flamboyant politician, but also led a lavish lifestyle. Boris Johnson is notorious for quite a bit of profligacy: he was short of money, according to British press headlines, right from the beginning of his tenure at The Times. Not only was Johnson asking for a quite a sum to renovate his Downing Street residence, but in 2021 Johnson was short of money for sustenance, and conservative party sponsors bought him food from the Waitrose supermarket and delivered it to Downing Street. Johnson was also famous for being a populist and flattering the establishment to get more income.

Slumdog Millionaire

The present British Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak, was born on May 12, 1980 in Southampton, the son of Yashvir Sunak, a general practitioner in the public health system, and Usha Sunak, a pharmacist. Sunak’s parents, Hindus, immigrated to Britain from East Africa, where in turn their parents had migrated in colonial times from the Punjab, both from what is now India and from what is now Pakistan. His father, Yashvir Sunak, was born and raised in the colony and Protectorate of Kenya (present-day Kenya) and works as a general practitioner for the National Health Service. His mother, Usha Sunak, born in Tanganyika (which later became part of Tanzania), was a pharmacist and owned Sunak Pharmacy in Southampton from 1995 to 2014, and has a degree from Aston University. Rishi received his secondary education at a prestigious private school, Winchester College. In 2001, he graduated from Lincoln College, Oxford University, where he studied philosophy, politics, and economics. From 2001-2004, he worked at Goldman Sachs, then earned an MBA from Stanford University. He returned to the City and worked for the hedge fund TCI. He founded a $1 billion global investment company, specializing in supporting small businesses in the UK.

In 2015, he won the 2015 parliamentary election in the Richmond (Yorks) constituency, managed to be Chancellor of the Exchequer (2020-22), and ousted Boris Johnson (according to the intraparty conspiracy theory) as Prime Minister of Great Britain after Liz Truss resigned on 20 October 2022, becoming the unelected but incumbent Prime Minister of Great Britain.

Rishi Sunak quite often bases his public appearances and outputs on the archetype of the Orphan. The Orphan is not necessarily someone deprived of parental care and, as is already clear, not necessarily a child. It is more about the experience of loss and loneliness that people experience at different ages. This archetype can also be characterized as “his own guy,” who is easy for us to understand because he knows the rules of social behavior, and he is easy to relate to. But at the same time, in all his gestures, demeanor, behavior, and linguistic landscape, there is a clear sense of his superiority and a clear awareness of his position in society, which is even readable in his appearance: Sunak’s favorite form of wearing his jackets is open, and the jacket is so open that one can literally read the couturier’s name from a distance. According to behind-the-scenes interviews, with people who work closely with him: directors, screenwriters, writers of his speeches, etc., speak of him as a “capricious child,” who does everything as he wants, does not like to walk the line and is epathetic.

Also, in addition to the Orphan archetype, it is possible to identify the type of human opportunist, but not the mimicry type like Olaf Scholz, since he has no deep attachments. According to Erich Fromm: “An enterprising ‘conformist opportunist’ with a consumerist goal (‘fool’) differs significantly from a ‘dullard’ precisely in initiative, the source of which is ‘Festinger dissonance’ turned inside out: he perceives painfully any deviation from social norms and actively prevents it. He is stubborn, willful and authoritarian-dominant. Personal lifestyle sense is created by a firm belief in the impeccability of his own opinions and decisions, which is constantly confirmed in practice. It is an ideal caporegime and constitutes a personnel source for the system of power.” And according to the type of social character, also based on Fromm’s analysis of personality, Rishi Sunak can be characterized as a person with: “market orientation. For this type, personality is valued as a commodity that can be sold or exchanged profitably. These people strive to always look neat and are willing to demonstrate any personality trait that would increase their chances of success.”

I Drank until I Lost my Memory, Only Once a Year

Fumio Kishida was born in Shibuya, Tokyo, on July 29, 1957, to a family of hereditary politicians. His father, Fumitake Kishida, was a civil servant in the Japanese Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry and director of The Small and Medium Enterprise Agency. Because the Kishida family was from Hiroshima City, the family returned to Hiroshima every summer. Many members of the Kishida family were killed in the atomic bombing of Hiroshima, and Fumio grew up influenced by the stories of surviving relatives about the atomic bombing. The sixth mayor of Hiroshima, Kan’ichi Oda, was his great-great-grandfather, and his father Fumitake Kishida and grandfather Masaki Kishida were politicians who were members of the lower house of parliament.

Fumio Kishida went to PS 13Q The Clement C. Moore School, in the Elmhurst district, in Queens, New York, because his father was working in the United States at the time. Fumio then graduated from Kaise High School and studied law at Waseda University and graduated in 1982. At Waseda University, he became friends with the future Japanese politician, Takeshi Iwai.

Kishida’s political career developed smoothly. After working at the now-defunct Japan Long-Term Loan Bank, and then as secretary of a member of the House of Representatives, Fumio Kishida was first elected to the House of Representatives in July 1993, from the Liberal Democratic Party, representing Hiroshima District 1. He then served as Minister of Okinawa and Northern Territories Affairs from 2007 to 2008, after which he was appointed Minister of State for Consumer Affairs and Food Safety in the cabinet of then Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda in 2008. Kishida was also Minister of State for Science and Technology Policy, Quality of Life and Law and Government Reform in Yasuo Fukuda’s cabinet. In 2012, he was appointed foreign minister in Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s cabinet. In 2017, he chaired the political council of the Liberal Democratic Party and was elected Chairman of the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan, on September 29, 2021.

According to Kishida, alcohol has accompanied him throughout his political career, and although he notes that alcohol has a very important place in Japanese diplomacy, “[I] drank until I lost my memory at least once a year,” hardly sounds like diplomatic protocol. Although withdrawal syndrome is temporary, alcoholism is almost always permanent. Kishida insists that he is done with alcohol, and probably began to watch his reputation more closely afterwards. He even fired his own son, Shotaro, who worked as his secretary, after a scandal erupted around a party at his official residence. It is unlikely that Kishida suffers from allodoxaphobia, but he says Miyazawa’s words are his favorite expression: “Those in power should not forget modesty.” But like Rishi Sunak, he tries to use the Orphan archetype—he orders cheaper food in restaurants and sits down at smaller tables, and he says he doesn’t shy away from household chores; in the family, he is in charge of washing dishes and cleaning the bathroom. Yet Fumio Kishida’s appearance—a tailored suit, expensive shoes, and other attributes of clothing—gives reason to doubt Orphan’s sincerity.

Regarding relations with Russia and other world leaders, Kishida is duplicitous: while maintaining a tough policy toward Russia, Kishida is very compliant to the American agenda. “It’s hard to imagine Japan becoming even more pro-American,” Glosserman noted. “They support any initiative of Washington and are even offended when they are forgotten.” Thus, Tokyo was unhappy that they were not invited to join the new AUKUS alliance. And in domestic politics, Kishida has already promised a number of changes, in particular by pledging to create a “new capitalism” in the country.

However, when speaking to foreign leaders, Kishida often stands in a closed posture, extending his far hand across his body to shake hands rather than closer to his interlocutor—an indication of detachment from the situation and an internal dissent with what is happening. This is confirmed by the body torso, which is also often not turned toward the interlocutor. Even so, at the G7 meeting, Kishida is by no means at the end of the procession: Kishida walks ahead of everyone, even ahead of Joe Biden, the unspoken dominant of the club.

In public appearances, Kishida often assumes a brisk gait, a hunched back, and raised eyebrows, indicating discomfort in the moment. Also, one can notice that Kishida prefers to keep his hands near his pockets or in his pocket, which indicates that the person is either hiding something (metaphorically hiding something in his pocket) or lying, also his neck and body are often tense.

Former Teacher

Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau was born on December 25, 1971, to Pierre Elliott Trudeau, a former Prime Minister of Canada. In April 1972, at a reception at the National Arts Centre in Ottawa, U.S. President Richard Nixon (who did not get along with Pierre Trudeau and called his visit “a senseless waste of time”) toasted the boy, to whom his wife Pat Nixon had given a toy Snoopy: “To the future Prime Minister of Canada, to Justin Pierre Trudeau.”

Justin’s parents divorced when the boy was 6 years old, and after Pierre Trudeau left politics, he moved his sons to Montreal. There Justin graduated from the same high school as his father, the Collège Jean de Brebeuf. After high school, he earned a B.A. in English Literature from McGill University (in 1994) and a B.A. in Education from the University of British Columbia (in 1998). After working as a substitute teacher in Coquitlam for a while, he found a full-time teaching job at a private school in Vancouver, West Point Grey Academy, where he taught French and mathematics. Later, he taught at Winston Churchill Public High School, also in Vancouver. In 2002, he returned from Vancouver to Montreal, where he studied first engineering at the Polytechnic School of Montreal and then environmental geography at McGill University, but did not graduate in either field.

Trudeau, like his associates, has also built his policy line on the Orphan archetype, but unlike the others in the G7 who also use this archetype, Trudeau does pose in public, for example with bags from the Metro supermarket, which he reuses. He often posts memes on social media, goofs around and dances, on par with the general population. He is beloved by voters, not only for his awareness of many issues, but also for two things: his colorful socks and his close relationship with pandas.

However, none of this can be attributed to anything. And in Trudeau’s case it is due to the unclosed gestalt of the father-son relationship: “My father was an incredibly tough, bright, strong man in all the classic manifestations of leadership, but at the same time he had problems because he often kept his distance when showing emotion. People tried to insult me by saying, ‘He’s not his father’s son—he’s his mother’s son.’ And I always responded to that: ‘Thank you very much.’” Children whose parents were very strict have much more persistence and self-confidence; they also have strong empathy and much developed psychological sensitivity.

But there is a downside—such children are skilled liars, prone to rebellious, aggressive behavior, or depressed moods and depressions, and they are also easily influenced by others. Interestingly, Trudeau devotes a lot of attention to child-rearing in his speeches and praises himself for cutting taxes for the middle class and raising them by one percent: “We give nine out of 10 families more money every month to help with the costs of raising their children.” He could have started with any thesis in his speech, but he starts specifically with parenting. And it’s certainly not just because he chose to teach; because children who have had traumatic experiences with their parents often want to show, despite these experiences, that they can take a completely different path; and they believe, create and build more wisely than what was done for them. It can also be seen as a kind of father-child race, where the loser gets to watch the offspring’s actions as punishment.

One might question Trudeau’s Oedipus complex, but it leaves no doubt that the rudiments of the Iocasta complex were/are present in his mother, Margaret, who once came to his school in despair over a boyfriend who had left her, who was diagnosed with bipolar illness.

“My mother was always so generous and so sensitive and so vulnerable, and at the same time she radiated so much strength,” Trudeau says. “Even though she had huge, real mental health issues. She understood people and built interpersonal relationships to a greater degree than perhaps my father did.” There is a typical attempt here to justify the abusive parent and find sanity in the sick behavior, something most often found in people who are afraid of being left alone, empaths and those who were raised in austerity but retained psychological attachment (a type of Stockholm syndrome).

When he speaks, Trudeau often shows his disposition: the palms of his hands are turned upward, his shoulders open and his face relaxed, but a certain tension remains in his non-verbal language, as if he is waiting each time for his father to appear and evaluate him.

Despite his developed emotional intelligence, Trudeau’s tenseness is reflected in ridiculous and outlandish antics: on Canada Day, Trudeau’s speech praised all of Canada’s provinces, but somehow he forgot Alberta. Then, Trudeau jumped up on stage and tried to set the record straight. “Let me just start by saying I’m a little embarrassed—I got excited somewhere over the Rocky Mountains. Alberta, I love you. Happy Canada Day.” But hours later, some Alberta politicians said the neglect was intentional.

Also, oddball behavior accompanied him in his youth—he had a habit of throwing himself down flights of stairs at parties in order to get a laugh.

His morbid self-love, or narcissism (critics call him a “shiny pony”), sometimes overshadows this tension with strange and inappropriate jokes: “I could probably beat Vladimir Putin (in a hand-to-hand fight). Maybe you’re not aware of it, but I was actually a boxer and, according to my mother, pretty good at it. He has bare-chested pictures, and so do I. Why not let people decide who’s stronger, huh?” [in February 2018 on his social media page]. And his sense of humor often raises many questions, and one that doesn’t score points at the expense of his enemies. Thus, Trudeau, as the equivalent of a centrist Democrat, sought to bring the optimistic “sunny ways” back to governing the country after nearly a decade of Dick Cheney’s rule. Thus, as he left a parliamentary hall filled with portraits of French kings, he falsely sang a verse from Bob Dylan’s “Like a Rolling Stone,” pointing to a portrait of Louis XIV. Such behavior clearly does not fit the orphan archetype described above, for “his own guy” clearly would not compare himself to a king.

Italian Passion

Giorgia Meloni, the first woman ever to chair the Council of Ministers of Italy, was born on January 15, 1977, in Rome. She is the daughter of Francesco Meloni, a lawyer originally from Sardinia, and Anna Paratore, originally from Sicily. At the age of three she moved with her sister and mother to the poor quarter of Garbatella after, according to her own recollections, she accidentally set fire to her former home together with her sister. Her father had left the family by then, and since the age of twelve Giorgia has had no contact with her father.

She graduated in linguistics at the Amerigo Vespucci Institute in 1996. At the age of 15, she founded the student association “Ancestors” (Gli Antenati), which had as its goal the fight against the school reform project conceived by the Minister of Education, Russo-Ervolino. In 1996, she headed the organization Student Action (Azione Studentesca). In 1998 she was elected to the Provincial Council of the Province of Rome by the National Alliance and became a member of the Commission for Culture, School and Youth until 2003. In 2008 she became Minister without portfolio for Youth in the fourth Berlusconi government. Later she also headed the youth organization of the People of Freedom “Young Italy” (Giovane Italia). In June 2012, Meloni left the People of Freedom, and in December of the same year, together with Ignazio La Russa and Guido Crozetto, she founded the “Italian Brothers-National Right Center” party. On March 8, 2014, Meloni was elected chairman of the Italian Brothers party, and by the spring of 2014, the press began to name Giorgia Meloni among the possible successors to Silvio Berlusconi as leader of the center-right forces of Italy. On October 22, 2022, after being sworn in and taking office, Giorgia Meloni officially became the first woman to head the Italian government.

Although Meloni describes herself as, “I’m cranky. I get angry very easily, I cry. I say a lot of bad words, but I know how to control myself,” she is masculine—primarily expressed in her nonverbalism. Meloni quite often assumes a masculine stance—feet shoulder-width apart, body thrust forward, which indicates a sense of her own dominance.

Although her shoulders are almost always open, Meloni often keeps her arms crossed at chest level or pressed against her body, thereby expressing her sense of detachment from the situation and her desire to distance herself from the question. Gestures with her right hand and open palm can often be seen, with her gaze moving in the opposite direction, indicating an attempt to lie or a full-fledged lie.

Also, Meloni often clenches her hands into a fist while tensing her shoulder muscles and neck, which indicates not only ostentatious belligerence, but also inner belligerence. That gesture is usually accompanied by a furtive glance, which in this case indicates internal secrecy, constant vigilance and accuracy in her words.

The slashing hand gesture accompanies Meloni in almost every speech, especially the rhetoric of modern weapons supplies. But the gesture also accompanies the constant up-and-down pumping of her hands and nodding of her head, as if she were trying to “drum up” her words to her listeners.

Often one can see Meloni’s hands folded at the level of her belly, which attests to her discomfort and inner desire to distance herself from what is happening. Moreover, she breaks this “posture” only for a handshake, and then she opens her palm only halfway, which also testifies to her discomfort at these moments.

Although Meloni could be characterized as a masculine woman, the fact that she grew up without her father’s attention is quite overt in her behavior and self-perception. She is not just a woman politician, she “achieved everything on her own” according to the formula “not because, but in spite of.” This behavioral line can be explained from the Freudian point of view of psychoanalysis. According to Freud’s theory, a girl who realizes that she lacks male authority experiences an inferiority complex with a simultaneous manifestation of anger towards her mother. And then there are only two ways of development: phallic fixation occurs and in the future such girls show tendency to polygamy, defiant behavior and desire to please all men, which leads to inability to be in a healthy relationship with one partner or, as can be observed in Meloni’s case, there is no division into male and female in the subconscious; the girl does not understand that each sex is strong in its own way and each has its distinctive features.

A competitive type of thinking is formed, where regardless of the presence or absence of masculinity, everyone is to some extent male. Moving forward, such girls show excessive independence, masculinity and, as they say in society, they become strong and independent. It is no coincidence that Meloni says about herself: “I know how to control myself.”


This article appears courtesy of Katehon.

After the Rebellion: The Bifurcation Point

I have noticed that the consciousness of many simply cannot cope with the events of June 24. Therefore, a trend appears: “It simply did not exist;” “nothing was real;” “it was all done on purpose.” Only in this way can the acute pain of what happened be dulled. And when it comes to the defensive reaction of society in general, not particularly immersed in the sphere of meaning—in this case, the meaning of political science, it is understandable and acceptable: people look for loopholes in the continuous routine flow of life, in which events are either microscopic or non-existent. But when the same is conveyed by those who consider themselves serious analysts, it only seems pathetic. In fact, the acute phase of the events of June 24 has been resolved, but still nothing is completely over: now it is necessary for the government to act concretely, which will clarify things and, even then can it be considered to be a minimum of clarity. For now, perhaps, it is too early to comment on the meaning; the whole process is not yet finished, so the outcome may be different. After all, what has begun and what continues will only make sense when it is finished—not before. You never know what else can happen during such a critical chain of events. A full analysis is yet to follow.

However, what happened on June 24, 2023, was the first note of a monstrous disaster. It was a disaster of Russian statehood, which, however, was avoided at the last moment, and the price was very high.

In the midst of these events, the problem of passion became crystal clear. When there is no trace of passion in the center of the system, it begins to spontaneously concentrate on the periphery. On one side, we clearly see an excess of passion. But, on the other side, its obvious disadvantage. What we see is that the main problem of the government is energy. And that problem must be solved. Without delay.

In terms of Pareto’s theory of elites, all this can be described as a conflict between elites and counter-elites.

If the elite, which is already in power, does not have enough qualities to exercise power, it will, sooner or later, be overthrown by the counter-elite, which is not in power, but has an excess of those qualities that are needed to exercise power.

And in the end, the question of legality and legitimacy remained. The rebels did significantly radicalize this problem, but they only posed it. No ultimate solution was reached. And now that problem is with us, and it won’t go away.

We have reached a turning point. To the point of bifurcation. Broadly speaking, there are two decision scenarios: Good and Terrible. In this complex situation, there is no only-good, just as there is no only-bad. A bad scenario immediately escalates into a terrible one.

1. Good scenario: Personnel solutions in a number of the most important administrations. Almost everything is obvious here. Some proved to be heroes, some traitors and cowards. Unconditional heroes are Putin and Lukashenko. It was they who saved the nation, which was hanging over the abyss. And, those who made something like this possible, who contributed to it and who could not prevent what started and were not able to react in an appropriate way—they should be let go immediately. Such a decision will strengthen the position of the supreme authority and restore the shaken trust and faith in the power of the true Sovereign.

Accordingly, attention should also be paid to the general program, which Prigozhin published from top to bottom: the social elites seriously lack fairness, honor, courage and intelligence. They are missing to the point that it literally leads to actual blow-ups. Why, then, would this idea not be used in the service of the authorities themselves? Putin is now (as always) in a position to do it, and he will certainly succeed. So:

  • elite rotation,
  • punish cowards and traitors,
  • encourage the faithful and brave,
  • correction of ideology towards patriotic self-awareness, social justice and immediate involvement of society in the war.

Less PR, more reality. And everything will fall into place.

In general, replacing reality with PR is absolutely evil. Sooner or later, such a bubble will burst. If instead of a political system we only have a grandiose media fiction, then disaster is inevitable. And, what is most important: the laws of lies make them, sooner or later, believe their own lies. That’s the last stage. After that, it’s the end.

2. Terrible scenario: Leave everything as it is. Do not change anything. Remove all mention of June 24 and all participants from the media and blogosphere. Criminalize any call to patriotism, call for rebellion. Blame the West and its machinations for everything. Draw a conclusion in favor of liberalism and flood everyone with PR technologies about victory.

I would not want to scare anyone, but I suggest that everyone soberly imagine the consequences of such a decision, which is, in fact, the absence of any solution. It is this (lack of resolution) that led to what happened. If nothing changes, the disaster will happen again, but then it will be fatal.

Those with more passion win. The spirit wins. There are soldiers and there are warriors. The task: to awaken the warriors in the soldiers.

Worse for us, if we learn the wrong lesson from this “master class.”

Now we have to pull ourselves together. The enemy begins the second most powerful wave of the offensive. The only way to defeat the rebellion of “Wagner” is to become “Wagner” ourselves.


Alexander Dugin is a widely-known and influential Russian philosopher. His most famous work is The Fourth Political Theory (a book banned by major book retailers), in which he proposes a new polity, one that transcends liberal democracy, Marxism and fascism. He has also introduced and developed the idea of Eurasianism, rooted in traditionalism. This article appears through the kind courtesy of Geopolitica.


Featured: At the Edge of the Pine Forest, Ivan Shishkin; painted in 1897.


We Don’t Need to Save the EU. We Need to Save Ourselves from the EU!

The European Union appears as the negation of the history of the European continent, which over time has always been an archipelago of cultural and linguistic particularities and pluralities; the same ones that, following a topos that tenaciously runs from Machiavelli to the Montesquieu of The Spirit of the Laws, constitute the specific difference that distinguishes the Europe of multiple states and freedoms in the plural from Asian “despotism.”

From this perspective, the European Union is nothing more than the post-1989 implementation of the globalization project, based on the autocratic primacy of the market, on the homologation of humanity under the banner of the commodity form and on the moralistic imperialism of Atlantist traction deployed against governments not yet globalized. Thus understood, the European Union is the implementation in the old continent of the McDonaldization of society described by George Ritzer.

This project—which in essence is posed as the “suicide of Europe”—aims at the integral Americanization of the European space through the unconditional imposition of the transoceanic subculture of unlimited consumption, the deconstruction of the social model of economy with state intervention, the individualistic privatization of society, and the eradication of any identity other than the free-market creed of the financialized economy.

The repeatedly claimed possibility of a “sovereign Europe” cannot become a reality through the European Union which, as it is designed, is governed by the double fundamentum of the de-sovereignization of the economy and socio-political Americanization. In this light, the various theses of those—such as Antonio Negri and Etienne Balibar, among others—who have sought to see in the European Union a means of developing an alternative democratic policy to American global neoliberalism (it was precisely in order to imitate and implement it that the so-called “European integration” took place under the tutelage of the ECB) reveal its true nature as a mirage.

By its essence, the European Union as “passive revolution” (Gramsci), as “neutralization” (Schmitt) and as the triumph of capital after the strife of the twentieth century, is presented as the victory of the transatlantic monocultural project of a Europe inserted into the global market without borders, without nations, without traditions, without cultures, without limitations, in which the intrinsic reification of “the American way of life” is destined to be replicated also in a new “European way of life.”

Depoliticization, mediated by the annihilation of democratic sovereign states, advances in parallel with the Americanization of the old continent, that is to say, with the imposition on the peoples of Europe of the atomized model of unlimited competitiveness, typical of the imperialist thalassocracy of the Stars and Stripes of the Atlantic Leviathan.

There is nothing strange, then, that what Hegel, in his Lectures on the Philosophy of History, related to the American reality, where the state, already at that time, acted as “an external institution for the protection of property” and moved by the purpose of fostering “a society having its origin in individuals understood as atoms” similar and competitive, is increasingly occurring in the old continent.

The secret of the “European dictatorship” is hidden in the private and transnational currency called the Euro—true and authentic pillar of liberalism as a method of government—which makes devaluations and public investments impossible, with the obvious consequence that the only way to recover competitiveness is the “internal devaluation;” that is, the devaluation of wages (a measure entirely consistent with the massacre of classes typical of the post-1989 scenario). The latter, complemented by the persistent policies developed under the slogan of cuts in public spending and “waste”—that is how social rights are contemptuously apostrophized in the liberal neo-liberal language—provokes social genocides to the detriment of the peoples, the workers and the middleclass, and to the benefit of the unintelligent expertocracy and the unelected technocrats coming from the mists of Brussels and the International Monetary Fund.

Once again, far from being a neutral mediator of commercial exchange, the Euro acts as a method of liberal government; or, if Luciano Gallino’s image is preferred, as a “straitjacket” to prevent social policies in favor of the classes that live from their work. In other words, it emerges as a deflationary mechanism devised ad hoc to prevent nation-states from financing themselves by minting money or issuing bonds guaranteed by a State Bank—weighed down by such restrictions, states are forced to bow to the market, de facto recognizing its superiority.

As Carlo Galli states, “the Euro was an objective openly pursued by the elites as an ‘external support’ to limit the economic sovereignty of Parliament, preventing ‘social drift.'” Its aim is, in all respects, the destruction of the old European model of state-moderated capitalism, replaced by the American type of savage privatizations and the suppression of any residue of the welfare state. Herein lies the essence of the Euro as a “threat to the future of Europe,” according to Joseph Stiglitz’s icastic (and unequivocal) formula.

In this respect, it is not at all surprising that among the most fervent supporters of the subtraction of the monopoly of currency from the national states appears von Hayek, the tutelary numen of liberalism, the champion of the ruling class. The latter, in view of the triumph of the Market over the State, of Capital over Labor and of Economics over Politics, expressly proposes the denationalization of currency. More specifically, he suggests “withdrawing from the state the monopoly on currency and replacing it by a competition between private banks supplying money in exactly the same way as any other enterprise supplies goods or services.”

Hayek’s teleological orientation is well known. It coincides with the neutralization of democratic control of the capitalist economy by the state. In a rigorously syllogistic way, if it is necessary to annul democratic control, and the latter is based on the sovereignty of the state, which in turn implies national sovereignty over the currency as its essential moment, the consequence is very clear: it is necessary to de-sovereignize the currency in order to be able, in this way, to proceed to the de-democratization of control over the economy.

A miniature paradigm of the liberal open society, the European Union has turned into reality this syllogism developed, moreover with commendable clarity, by von Hayek. And in order to conceal its own profoundly anti-democratic status (marktkonforme Demokratie, according to the oxymoronic expression used by the German ex-Chancellor Angela Merkel), it must continually devise, using the intellectual class mediating consensus, formulas and narratives to reassure the European peoples and the dominated classes, so that the latter, more solito, will meekly accept their own subordination.

In this, the rhetoric of the everlasting fight against red and black totalitarianisms, elevated by the order of discourse to ever latent threats to the “democratic” space of the European Union as totalitarian management, plays a leading role—as a non plus ultra of mass distraction: with the not too subtle consequence of the recurrent appeal to the logical fallacy, hegemonic in the public discourse (journalistic, academic, television and radio), according to which any critic of the European integration would be, by the mere fact of being so, a Nazi in pectore. Applying Orwell’s prophecy, “the past is whatever the Party chooses to make it” for the sake of the sanctification of the existing order.

To put this whole process into practice, the new mental order, managed by the administrators of consensus and the masters of discourse, is essential—with the extravagant “verbal hygiene” they impose, it becomes impossible even to name the contradictions that surface everywhere. Following the teachings of Jacques Ellul’s Histoire de la propagande, “propaganda must be total” and must employ all the means at its disposal, assuming also the cynical assertion, difficult to refute, that it is always easier to deceive man than to make him understand that he has been deceived.

As Gustave Le Bon had already shown in his The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind (1895)—initiating a line of thought destined to be developed by Freud in Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego (1921)—the power of words does not depend on their meaning, but on the images they are capable of arousing. They dispense the user from the fatigue of reflection and, with a limited stock of formulas, prefigure the order of thought, discourse and imagination.

Le Bon ventures to argue that the men of power rename with popular, or at any rate inoffensive, names, realities that with their original denominations were detested by the multitudes. And he insists on the premises of repetition and contagion. On the one hand, infinitely repeated, falsehood passes for truth and infiltrates the minds of the masses, reshaping them. On the other hand, ideas exert a power of contagion over the masses, analogous to that of “microbes”—the image is Le Bon’s. These considerations can, by extension, be applied to the new mental order of the politically correct and ethically corrupt single thought, which has turned the European Union into a monotheistic religion—the Europeanist cosmopolitanism which, with its specific “anti-religion of the single currency,” considers any possible return to the state dimension a “capital sin.” With Nietzsche’s syntax, through the integral mediatization of the real managed by the hegemonic pole, “the real world ended up becoming a fable” (die wahre Welt endlich zur Fabel wurde).

In this way transformed, thanks to the intellectual priesthood, into an unreflective automatism of thought, even the welfare function, developed during the late twentieth century by the sovereign and democratic national state, which was the concrete arena in which the class conflict took place and the instrument through which social policies for the benefit of the working classes were made possible, is irresponsibly omitted once again. Also forgotten is the fact that, paradoxical as it may seem at first sight, the intuition of an integration of the European nations within the framework of a supranational union of German traction was conceived, in one of its earliest and most emphatic formulations, by the National Socialists themselves; that is, by the authors of the totalitarianism from which, by the irony of history, the Eurocrats in Brussels claim to protect the old continent.

In 1943, for example, Hitler himself aspired to overcome the disorder of the divided small nations which is what he expressly defined as “the anachronistic division of Europe into individual states,” in order to bring about the creation of the Grossraum of a united Europe with German hegemony. And even Hermann Göring, president of the Reichstag, had presented, in 1940, a plan for “the large-scale economic unification of Europe;” and this “with a view to the creation of a European monetary union” (sic!).

Naturally, the above is not intended to support the absurd and unfounded thesis that the Brussels bureaucrats are today the direct continuators of the Nazi project. They are, sic et simpliciter, the leaders of the new glamorous totalitarianism of the markets, concentrated on the figure of economic violence. It is simply a matter of challenging the locus communis according to which anyone who does not adhere, unthinkingly and immediately, to the ideal of European integration under the sign of the single currency is automatically considered a Nazi.

As we have already stressed on other occasions, the rejection of the European Union model starts, at least in our case, from the Marxian perspective of the emancipation of the universal human from capitalist contradictions, of which the European Union itself constitutes one of its maximum expressions.


Diego Fusaro is professor of History of Philosophy at the IASSP in Milan (Institute for Advanced Strategic and Political Studies) where he is also scientific director. He is a scholar of the Philosophy of History, specializing in the thought of Fichte, Hegel, and Marx. His interest is oriented towards German idealism, its precursors (Spinoza) and its followers (Marx), with a particular emphasis on Italian thought (Gramsci or Gentile, among others). he is the author of many books, including Fichte and the Vocation of the IntellectualThe Place of Possibility: Toward a New Philosophy of Praxis, and Marx, again!: The Spectre Returns[This article appears courtesy of Posmodernia].


Featured: Deserter, by Tomasz Alen Kopera; painted in 2004.

A Journey to Two Frances

Recently, I was in Bergerac for the funeral of a childhood friend. It’s always sad to lose a dear friend, even if, as Marcel Pagnol so rightly wrote: “Such is the life of men, a few joys quickly erased by unforgettable sorrows.” But my sadness was amplified when I discovered what had become of this small Perigordian town. Bergerac, a small town whose name is closely linked to that of Cyrano, whose statue stands in the old town square. And yet, as I wandered around this little corner of France for a few hours, I didn’t feel any of the panache, grandeur and pride so characteristic of Rostand’s character. Worse still, I found there a sample of what our country will be like if nothing is done to stop the movement that is underway.

In my opinion, Bergerac is the meeting point of two “Frances.” The first is the France I love, that we love, which was forged in the baptism of Clovis and built up through its beautiful churches, including the Madeleine church in Bergerac, where my friend was baptized, married and chose to end his life. A France full of charm, with its old medieval houses still standing proudly, their half-timbering adorning the narrow streets where we like to stroll and remember a country bathed in the chivalric romanticism of Cyrano. This is the France that gathers at the market in the morning, looking for a few good local products, so rich and so delicate, or at Café Vedry, one of the oldest French bistros, where it’s good to live and chat with a few Périgourdins while enjoying a good glass of Montbazillac, whose aromas and freshness are always an explosion of flavor.

It’s the France of beautiful encounters in the old town square, with French people talking about a time when Bergerac was still a little corner of paradise bathed by the Dordogne, where it was so pleasant to stroll until late at night. We’re proud of this little corner of France, we’re attached to it because, as General Charette, hero of the Vendée wars, said: “Our homeland is our land, our villages, our churches, our altars, our tombs, everything that our Fathers built and loved before us.”

The New “France”

And then there’s the second France, the one I’d rather not come across in these sad moments, the one we think we only see in our big cities, but which is unfortunately increasingly to be found in our hitherto untouched countryside. This France, if you can call it that, is home to a particularly well-established Muslim population, with its cafés, kebab shops and halal businesses. A population that imposes its own dress codes, with men in qamis and veiled women strolling by the statue of Cyrano, giving Bergerac an air of souk. This other France is also one of architectural ugliness, with low-cost housing blocks being built next to bourgeois houses from the early 20th century, and Gothic paintings adorning the peaks of medieval farmhouses. It’s a strange artistic encounter that makes me think that mixing genres is a source of confusion, and that beauty only exists in the arts if it resists the dominant culture and is preserved in its original freshness.

I finally discovered this other France when I went to the little Madeleine church on a Thursday morning. No priest to say mass, just a layman adorned with a cross to welcome us, before we were invited into the choir to say a few words about hope, about what we believe in… or don’t believe in… about the need to search for a God or something else… This other France has lost its Catholic faith, just as it has lost the ethics of dress. No one in the assembly deigned to wear a suit, if only out of respect for God or at least for the deceased. Sad France, which has lost its sense of the sacred, of beauty, of the grandeur of its land and its history.

So, in Bergerac, two Frances rub shoulders. How did we get to this point in just a few decades? I can think of several explanations, which I’m sure won’t be exhaustive, but which nonetheless seem essential to me. The first, the cause of all our ills, is a strong desire on the part of our successive leaders to wipe the slate clean and erase the Europe of nations. This globalist political class, trained in the Young Leaders sessions, sees France only as a global village that needs to be connected and merged with the rest of the world. For them, France is just an idea, bathed in a world where God is dead and only hedonism and consumerism matter. According to them, a foreigner can be French, because in any case they don’t believe in our country, its identity or its sovereignty. Nor do they believe in European civilization, in what has made its long memory and greatness, but rather in the European Union and its regional superclass. To make us citizens of the world, uprooted and replaced… that is the objective of this globalist caste, the better to enrich and enslave us. Cyrano’s courage, honor and panache have given way to the so-called humanist values of liberty, equality and fraternity.

Towards an Islamic Caliphate

The second explanation is the intersection of two currents that are gradually erasing our France, the one we cherish and the only one we believe in. The first is the forced Islamization of our country. Many French people still either don’t see it, or refuse to see it. Halal products are filling supermarket shelves, veiled women are increasingly numerous in our streets, and very few French towns of any size don’t have their own cathedral-mosque. Everything is being done to facilitate and accelerate the spread of Islam on European soil: ever-massive arrivals of mostly Muslim migrants, the collaboration of European institutions with Muslim Brotherhood networks, the compromise of elected politicians with Islamist movements.

France is sinking little by little into a veritable partition of its national soil, but this doesn’t seem to worry most French people, too busy at each presidential election with their purchasing power, lulled to sleep by the media and annihilated by a state that can no longer guarantee them any protection in their own country. Taking advantage of the weakness of part of the political class and the compromise of many elected representatives, Islamist networks have long had a clear and coherent strategy. One of the early thinkers of the Muslim Brotherhood wrote: “Islam will return to Europe as a victorious conqueror… This time it will not be a conquest by the sword, but by the preaching and dissemination of Islamic ideology… This expansion will be the beginning of the return of the Islamic Caliphate.” Bergerac is proof that this strategy is on the way to success.

This profound Islamization is catalyzed by the erasure of the figure of the white, French man, and more generally, of the European, through the increasingly strong influence of Woke ideology. This ideology claims to perceive “systemic” evil and to denounce the injustices suffered by minorities because of populations enjoying privileges due to their “whiteness” (i.e., their skin color) or their dominant sexual orientation (i.e., their heterosexuality). In reality, the sole aim is to deconstruct and destroy everything that is beautiful, good and great about our Europe and our country, by playing the indignation and victimization card. In short, to give power to minorities, no matter how degenerate their ideas.

The sources of influence are numerous, be they elected representatives, LGBT+ lobbies, the political and media class, or the global superclass of which the Soros family is the tutelary figure. Imbued with this cancel culture, today’s generations, fed on Netflix series, influenced by the effects of fashion and aggressive advertising that infuse the totality of their perceptions, will shape the future of our civilization and our country. France is gradually losing its soul, its identity, annihilated by domineering and destructive ideologies. Caught in a vice between Islamization and wokism, the French are losing their bearings, cowering and submitting.

From Gallic Village to Global Village

Finally, if this other France is gradually gaining the upper hand over the first, it’s because the French have lost all sense of the sacred and all spirit of resistance. The sacred, the elevation of souls, was the prerogative of the pre-Vatican II Catholic Church, where Corpus Christi was still the occasion for beautiful processions in small villages like Bergerac, and where people still respected religion and the dead enough to dress up for funeral masses. Unfortunately, the Council dragged the whole Church down the slope of modernism, so decried by Pope John XXIII’s predecessors. The Church had to adapt, whatever the cost, to societal progressivism and to the world’s evolutions, even the ugliest ones, stooping to every compromise rather than elevating itself and transcending souls. It has to be said that this vast enterprise to de-Christianize France has had the desired results. In 2023, the French no longer believe and have become nihilistic.

We can’t hold it against them; only reproach them for not having had the spirit of resistance. The French have indeed lost the flame of resistance, the same flame that inspired Charles Martel at Poitiers, Joan of Arc at Orléans, General de Vassoigne at Bazeilles and so many other illustrious Frenchmen. Today, France is dying, our European civilization is on the brink of the abyss. A few courageous people dare to revolt from time to time, as during the Manif pour tous to denounce the profound societal drifts of the political class, or during the Gilets jaunes riots, bloodily put down by the police. But this small resistance is very little, random, nipped in the bud by an implacable political machine that crushes brains and bodies and arbitrarily decides France’s future with the strength of 49.3. Without a charismatic leader, without solid organization and strategy, without a real mass awareness among the French of the fundamental importance of rising up at last and renewing with the spirit of resistance of our Fathers, the France we love will never rise again. Worse, it will be replaced by this other France, swept away by the waves of globalization and Islamization, drowned under the waves of the global village.

Reborn with Cyrano

Should we resign ourselves to this fate? No, of course not. This is not what our forefathers would have demanded of us, this is not what our children expect of us. Bergerac must remain Bergerac, France must remain the France we love and that so many French people have loved before us. As Jean Raspail so rightly wrote: “When you represent an almost lost cause, you have to sound the trumpet, jump on your horse and try the last exit, otherwise you die of sad old age at the bottom of the forgotten fortress that no one besieges anymore because life has gone elsewhere.” The Camp of the Saints is here, before our very eyes, and we need to react quickly if we want to change the end of History. This is our duty as French people. We must not be afraid to reclaim our sovereignty, our identity, our Christianity, our security, our culture, our traditions, our families. Let’s dare to raise our heads. Let’s stop being afraid and resigned. Life is a struggle, and we must accept this and commit to it without delay, each according to his or her qualities and skills.

There’s no shortage of opportunities to do so, whether in politics, in cultural life and associations, in identitarian or Catholic youth movements, or in institutes such as Iliade, which are committed to defending the long memory of our Europe and our country. Let’s not give in to the temptation to wait and see, to pessimism and cynicism. Let us be courageous. Let us have faith in our country, in its future and in its newfound freedom. Let’s be Cyranos in our turn, so that there is only one France, the one we have always cherished and that we must summon with all our strength and soul for our children.


Alix Le Kalonec writes from France. This article appears courtesy of Revue Éléments.

A Conservative’s Run for the United States Senate in New York

This account of my attempt to become a member of the United States Senate from New York in 1974 might interest those wanting to know more about the early history of the New York State Conservative Party.

The only extant public evidence of my ill-fated quest for higher political office is found in an article in the Long Island Press, Monday, June 10, 1974, entitled, “Prof. will bear Conservative banner against Javits”:

The state Conservative party is expected to designate a political neophyte as the candidate for U.S. Senate to take on Sen. Jacob K. Javits. Dennis Bonnette, a 36-year-old philosophy teacher at Niagara University, will be tapped for the Senate race when the Conservative State Committee meets Saturday in Queens, according to informed Conservative sources. Bonnette, a political unknown, is described as a “slim professorial type,” and is the father of five children. He holds a doctorate in philosophy.

(I was actually thirty-five years old at the time, not thirty-six as the article states.)

In 1973 and 1974, I ran for the local Lewiston-Porter School Board in Niagara County, New York, twice, doing quite well on a shoestring campaign. For reasons I can no longer recall, I became interested in running for Congress shortly thereafter. I do recall meeting Dr. Warren Carroll at Kris Popik’s apartment one night, during which we discussed various aspects of running for Congress. Kris had been my graduate student at Niagara University and later became Dr. Kristen Popik Burns, Dean of the Graduate School at Christendom College. Dr. Carroll was then working as Administrative Assistant for Congressman John Schmitz. He later went on to found Christendom College and served as its first President for many years.

I went through the tiresome process of appearing before all the local committees of the Conservative Party, seeking support for the Conservative Party’s congressional nomination. One must recall that the Conservative Party in New York was and still is a minor party, but has always been very influential in New York politics, since conservative politicians, running as Republicans, frequently get their winning margins by being listed on the Conservative ballot line. In a few cases, the Conservative Party has even had its exclusive candidate win the seat sought, including a singular U.S. Senate win by James L. Buckley in 1970.

Soon I received a call from Raymond R. Walker, Chairman of the Niagara County Conservative Party and one of the founders of the NYS Conservative Party. He told me that the Republican candidate running for the same congressional seat had contacted him, wondering why I kept “shadowing” him before all the local Conservative Party committees. Walker told me that he was thinking of something bigger for me, namely, to seek the nomination of the New York State Conservative Party for the U.S. Senate seat then held by liberal Republican Jacob Javits.

Walker arranged a meeting between me and Leo Kesselring, a chief assistant to then U.S. Senator James L. Buckley, brother of the famous founder of the National Review, William F. Buckley. Kesselring and I met subsequently and he apparently then recommended my name to the Conservative Party leaders in New York City.

This effort to secure the Conservative Party nomination was not entirely quixotic, since in 1970, Jim Buckley had won a U.S. Senate seat running on that ballot line alone—splitting the vote between a Democrat and liberal Republican—thereby, winning the statewide race with just 38.75% of the vote.

In fact, the Party was planning on getting a major name to run for the other New York Senate seat in 1974 and intended to make a major campaign aimed at winning. Unfortunately, Senator Buckley was the first senator to call for the resignation of then President Richard Nixon. Since fully half of the NYS Conservative Party’s funding at that time came from outside the state, that funding dried up instantly when Republicans all over the country vented their anger at Senator Buckley! So, the Party decided to select a lesser known candidate and run a less intensive campaign. Still, my Niagara County Chairman, Ray Walker, had hopes of getting the nomination for me and then making the race a realistic prospect through aggressive fundraising and campaigning.

The Party flew me down to New York City to meet with the Party leaders: Serphin R. Maltese and J. Daniel Mahoney ( Party founder and Chairman). Maltese would later go on to become a longtime New York State senator (District 15) and Mahoney later was appointed by President Reagan to become a judge of the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit.

I was to go to the NYS Conservative Party headquarters on Park Avenue. Unfortunately, I found that I had exited my ride on the wrong side of the avenue address, that is, instead of going to South Park Avenue, I got out at the same address on North Park Avenue! I had no choice but to walk some eight city blocks to the correct address. Half way to my destination, I encountered Grand Central Station. I was tempted to walk through it, but having no knowledge of the internal complexities of this grand edifice, I decided it might be more prudent instead to walk around it. So I did.

I think I arrived at the offices before noon and met with Maltese for some time. He had some other work to do and so put me in a room with a huge pile of newspaper clippings and a phone. He told me I could read up on the political issues which the candidates would be debating in the campaign and also invited me to make calls anywhere I wished to from that phone. I did call my brother and his wife, who then lived in New Jersey—resulting in them braving New York City traffic to come see me briefly!

Around noontime, Maltese took me to a restaurant to have lunch with Party Chairman J. Daniel Mahoney. During the lunch, I recall one of them saying that they liked to run college professors for office, since they were less likely to faint before an audience! I expressed some concern as to whether Niagara University would grant me a sabbatical leave for purposes of the campaign. They assured me that it would not be a problem. After lunch, we went back to the headquarters, where they told me that I was set to become the Party’s nominee for the Senate election in the fall. They had to meet with the various county chairmen in the afternoon, but arranged my ride by limousine back to the airport so that I could return home that same day.

I left New York City fully convinced that I would be the nominee of the NYS Conservative Party for the U.S. Senate seat in the fall 1974 election.

After I returned home, I was informed that on that very same afternoon, for the first time in the history of the NYS Conservative Party, the state county chairmen had staged a revolt against the Party leadership. They refused to back my nomination as proposed by the Party leaders and, instead, decided to back the nomination of Barbara Keating, a gold star medal wife with five children, whose husband had been killed fighting in Vietnam. She was also the daughter of Kenneth Keating, who had served in the U.S. Senate from New York from 1959 to 1965.

Nonetheless, it turns out that I had the solid backing of the upstate delegations of the Party, representing fully one third of the entire State of New York. Niagara County Chairman Ray Walker encouraged me to go to the state convention in New York and fight Keating for the nomination, which I did. And so, a second flight to New York City ensued. But, it turned out that I was not the only candidate challenging Keating. When I arrived in New York, I learned that infamous attorney, Roy Marcus Cohn, was also seeking the nomination—and so a three way fight was on.

I recall addressing the convention delegates in one of those then famous smoke-filled rooms—giving a speech ending with a phrase given me by Walker, to the effect that the American Eagle could not fly on two left wings! It was well-applauded. The strategy of the convention came down to this: Keating, Cohn, and I each had the support of roughly one-third of the state. But the fly in the ointment was that, since Keating had the official Party backing, all absent delegates had been told to give their proxy votes to Serphin Maltese, who would then vote them for Keating on the first ballot. The net effect meant that the rough outcome would be that Keating would have about half the votes and Cohn and I would split the remaining half.

As a result, I remember standing in the back of the hall with my campaign manager, Ray Walker, and Cohn and his campaign manager, while the two of us candidates made a handshaking deal (one of those famous backroom deals!) to the effect that whoever of the two of us appeared to be getting fewer votes on the first ballot would withdraw and throw his support to the other. As the balloting got underway, we each were getting about the expected totals. But, at some point, my manager concluded that I was getting fewer votes than Cohn and so signaled me to withdraw and give my support to Cohn, which I did. At that point, I found out that it is easier to obtain support than to shift it to another person. Many delegates did not want to support Cohn, given his intensely bad notoriety.

Roy Cohn was a prosecutor in the Rosenberg atomic bomb spy trials in 1951, claiming later that his personal recommendation convinced Judge Irving Kaufman to give both Julius and Ethel Rosenberg the death penalty for giving atomic secrets to the Soviets. I remember listening to the radio the day they were electrocuted, with it taking five electric shocks before Ethel Rosenberg was pronounced dead. Regarding the specific atomic secrets charge against them, there is evidence now that, while Julius alone had many contacts on other matters with a Soviet spy named Aleksandr Feklisov, Julius “didn’t understand anything about the atomic bomb” and that Ethel “had nothing to do with this” and “was completely innocent.”

In 1953 and 1954, Roy Cohn was the leading assistant to Senator Joseph McCarthy during the infamous Army-McCarthy Senate hearings. From 1959 to 1963, Cohn was president of the Lionel Train Company. Even during the 1974 Conservative Party convention, Cohn was bragging that he’d been acquitted of professional misconduct charges, despite having alleged perjury by five witnesses testifying against him.

(Note that from 1971 to 1978, Cohn became a major mentor to, and lawyer for, a construction businessman named Donald J. Trump, defending Trump against housing discrimination charges in a case settled out of court. In the 1970s and 1980s, Cohn was charged three times with professional misconduct, including perjury and witness tampering, and eventually disbarred by a New York Appellate Division Court.)

While Cohn failed to defeat Keating in first ballot of the convention, he did get over 25% of the vote, which earned him the right to engage in a primary fight with her. I recall him standing at a pay phone begging some source for an instant $25,000 to get that primary fight going. He told me he would give me a phone call later in the summer, but he never did. He went down in flames in the primary and Barbara Keating went on to garner 16% of the votes in the fall election, which was won by liberal Republican incumbent Senator Jacob Javits who got 45% of the vote. Liberal Democrat Ramsey Clark got the remaining 38%.

Later on convention night, as I was riding in an elevator with my campaign manager, Ray Walker, he let it slip that he may have miscounted the votes and that I actually had more votes than Cohn on that critical first ballot—which would have meant that Cohn should have withdrawn in favor of me!

After I returned home a defeated candidate, I received a phone call from Serphin Maltese, offering to make me the Party’s nominee for NY State Comptroller, an offer which I refused. Democrat incumbent Arthur Levitt, Sr., easily won reelection in 1974.

Thus ended my single attempt at election to the United States Senate.

Postscript: It appears I came much closer to winning the nomination than I initially thought. During the convention, a professor from St. John’s University in Brooklyn, who was a major force in the Party (probably Dr. Henry Paolucci), told me that he had led the revolt against the leadership that ended my pre-selection for the nomination and instead led to the nomination of Barbara Keating. He also told me that had he known me better at that time (perhaps, had he heard my speech earlier), he would not have led that revolt, but rather would instead have backed me for the nomination.

Post postscript: After James L. Buckley left the United States Senate, he was appointed by President Ronald Reagan to a seat on the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit. Shortly after the above article was published, former United States Senator James Lane Buckley, who was still a sitting Senior Judge on the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, passed away on August 18, 2023, at the age of 100.


Dr. Dennis Bonnette retired as a Full Professor of Philosophy in 2003 from Niagara University in Lewiston, New York, where he also served as Chairman of the Philosophy Department from 1992 to 2002. He received his doctorate in philosophy from the University of Notre Dame in 1970. He is the author of three books, Aquinas’ Proofs for God’s ExistenceOrigin of the Human Species, and Rational Responses to Skepticism: A Catholic Philosopher Defends Intellectual Foundations for Traditional Beliefas well as many scholarly articles.